"Bi Mei Shu Ling: The Individual Life History of Women in the Northern Dynasties", edited by Luo Xin, published by Peking University Press in June 2024, 356 pages, 72.00 yuan. In the long tradition of human biography, the biography of the subject is usually due to career achievem

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'Bi Mei Shu Ling: The Individual Life History of Women in the Northern Dynasties', edited by Luo Xin, published by Peking University Press in June 2024, 356 pages, 72.00 yuan. In the long tradition of human biography, the biography of the subject is usually due to career achievem - Lujuba

"Bimei Shuling: The Individual Life History of Women in the Northern Dynasties", edited by Luo Xin, published by Peking University Press in June 2024, 356 pages, 72.00 yuan

In the long tradition of human biography, the biography is usually based on career achievements. or a person who enjoys fame due to his or her social status. Modern historians have turned their attention to figures who have been ignored in the past, with the purpose of discovering lost stories, trying to reveal a picture that has not received macro-historical attention or has been intentionally obscured. The rediscovery of unearthed materials provides convenience for scholars interested in engaging in micro-historical research. Ancient Chinese epitaphs are excellent materials for historians to retell stories. Most of the personal lives and interpersonal relationships recorded in epitaphs are missing or unclear in historical transmissions. Through the connection between epitaphs and historical biographies, sorting out the relationship between characters, historical events and times, and finding the disciplinary meaning from them, may be the orientation of individual life history. In recent years, scholars from various countries have made more in-depth use of ancient Chinese epitaphs, and have produced influential works on individual life history. In 2020, the book Chinese Funeral Biographies: an Anthology of Remembered Lives edited by Yi Peixia, Yao Ping, and Zhang Cong was published by the University of Washington Press. The Chinese version was released the following year, titled "Remembering Life: An Anthology of Remembered Lives" Inscription" (Shanghai Ancient Books Publishing House, 2021). Around the same time, the "Five Generations in Monuments" series of works compiled by scholars such as Yamaguchi Tomoya, Li Zonghan, Liu Xiangguang, Chen Yunru, Liu Liyan, etc. was published. Among them, "Five Generations of Women under World Change" (Guangxi Normal University Press, 2021) focuses on the history of women's lives. , providing a reference example for the study of five generations of women.

Also in 2020, Professor Luo Xin from the Department of History at Peking University began to compile a collection of essays, bringing together the academic community's excellent works on the use of stone carvings to study women in the Northern Dynasties. After four years, the book finally came out, which is "Bimei Shuling: The Individual Life History of Women in the Northern Dynasties" (Peking University Press, 2024) reviewed in this article. Luo Xin has been engaged in the study of stone carvings for a long time and is the author of "New Evidence of Epitaphs of the Wei, Jin, Southern and Northern Dynasties" (co-authored with Ye Wei, Zhonghua Book Company, 2005). In recent years, he has been calling for history to declare war on inequality. The book "Bi Mei Shu Ling" is a challenge to traditional history and historiography. In the preface to this book, the editor makes a clear statement, emphasizing that traditional history and historiography were the accomplices of those in power in ancient China in shaping the pattern of gender inequality. This conclusion is thought-provoking. As the editor said, "women have been systematically excluded from the compilation of history" (page 1 of the preface). Therefore, when modern scholars write biographies of ancient women, they must go beyond the writing methods of concubines, princesses, and women's biographies in the past. and evaluation system, with the purpose of restoring the individual life history of ancient women as much as possible and retelling the stories of ancient women. Before "Bi Mei Shu Ling", Luo Xin had already used epitaphs to write "The Long Remaining Life: A Northern Wei Palace Lady and Her Era" (Beijing Daily Press, 2022), which brought the life history of women in the Northern Dynasties to the attention of readers.

'Bi Mei Shu Ling: The Individual Life History of Women in the Northern Dynasties', edited by Luo Xin, published by Peking University Press in June 2024, 356 pages, 72.00 yuan. In the long tradition of human biography, the biography of the subject is usually due to career achievem - Lujuba

"The Long Remaining Life: A Northern Wei Palace Lady and Her Era"

is a biography of ancient women. It seems to be just a series of interpretations of various materials related to the biography, textual research, speculation and even imagining the biography of the biography at each age or age. point-in-time experience, but it’s not easy to do this job well. First of all, the materials need to be collected as completely as possible. Any oversight may lead to overall errors and hastily rewrite the life trajectories of ancient people. Subsequently, we need to go through intensive research to overcome the difficulties caused by the lack of historical data, and fill in the gaps in the records with reasonable imagination when necessary. The most important thing is that individual life history is not limited to the biography of the person, but also needs to depict the historical picture that was little known in the past but worthy of attention based on the restoration of the person's life. From a technical level, individual life history is first of all a "puzzle technique" (a life fragmented by historical documents is reassembled), and the artistic achievement of the puzzle depends on the author's understanding of the era in which the research object lives.

In addition to introducing the biography of the protagonist, the eleven articles included in "Bimei Shuling" each have their own interests."Princess Chenliu" shows the will of women in marriage, "Looking for Concubine Qiu" focuses on the fate of women from sinners' families in the Northern Wei Dynasty, and "The Life of Barbarian Girl Wen Luoqi" writes about the barbarians whose living space was squeezed by both the north and the south in the late Northern Wei Dynasty. situation, "Cui Julun's Person" allows readers to see the prospects of multi-center family history research, "The Most Famous Bhikshuni Sengzhi in the Northern Wei Dynasty" discusses the relationship between Buddhism and politics in the Northern Wei Dynasty court, and "The Joy and Sorrow of Yuan Jicong" also discusses the relationship between women and girls. position of servant Research on "Princess Changshan's Miscellaneous Deeds" involves the adoption of criminals in the Northern Wei clan, "The Epitaph of Yuan Yueji and the Historical Events Between Liang and Chen" details Wang Lin's legendary journey in the Three Kingdoms in the late Northern Dynasties, "Recovering the Lost in the Three Kingdoms" "Story in the Dust" deeply discusses the fate of women in the previous dynasty's royal family, "Shang Shang Forever Separated" is a microcosm of countless families being torn apart after the split of the Northern Wei Dynasty, and "Princess Ruru" reveals that young women have become victims of international political marriages. These topics may make the story of a distant stranger attract more readers' attention, but from the perspective of the whole book, the story itself is still the most important. The story is caring, because the women of the Northern Dynasties were participants, witnesses and even witnesses of the history of the Northern Dynasties. Shapers are an indispensable part of the history of the Northern Dynasties. Their figures should be seen by the world, and their stories should not be buried.

Since stories are caring, it is particularly necessary to use materials to tell good stories. Since the articles included in the book were written at different times and have different purposes, as new materials are constantly discovered, there may be something that can be added. As readers, we might as well enter the life world of Northern Dynasties women in the book with the author, and see other aspects of the story besides the author's narration.

1. Princess Chenliu

The article "Princess Chenliu" was originally published in the 2005 issue of "Dushu" and was revised when it was included in this book. The article claims that the second daughter Wang Su's wife Xie brought to the north cannot be verified (page 10), but the article is accompanied by an epitaph plate of Yuan Zhan from the second year of Wuding in the Eastern Wei Dynasty (544), which records that Yuan Zhan's mother was Wang Su's daughter. The old article of "Princess Chenliu" believed that this was Wang Su's second daughter. This revision has changed the original view. It is probably suspected that this daughter may also be born to Wang Su's concubine. The author believes that the views in the old article can be relied upon. Yuan Zhan attacked the prince of Guangyang in Yuanyuan, and the Wang family should be the princess of Yuanyuan. In the 23rd year of Taihe (499), Emperor Xiaowen died, and Wang Su and Wang Yuanjia of Guangyang received the imperial edict to assist the government. At this time, Yuan Yuan, the prince of Yuanjia, was fifteen years old (according to calculations from Yuan Yuan's epitaph), which was close to the age of marriage. Wang Su abandoned his wife and son and fled north for more than six years. If Concubine Yuan Yuan was born after Wang Su fled north , she is only five years old at most, and I am afraid it will be difficult for her to become Yuan Yuan's first wife. Therefore, it can be concluded that Concubine Yuanyuan was brought here by the Xie family, but there is no evidence to prove that Wang Puxian is older than Concubine Yuanyuan Wang. The article simply calls Wang Puxian the eldest daughter of Wang Su, which may not be true.

The time when Princess Chen Liu married Wang Su is also worthy of scrutiny. The article states that "Judging from the chronology of historical data, Wang Sushang and Princess Chenliu were married to Princess Chenliu in the first year of Emperor Xuanwu's Jingming Dynasty (500)" (page 8). The so-called chronology of historical data is the narrative sequence of "The Biography of Wang Su" in Volume 63 of "Book of Wei", and this According to the biography, Wang Su got married before Uncle Pei surrendered to the Wei Dynasty. According to "Shi Zong Ji", Volume 8 of "Book of Wei", on the seventh day of the first month of the first year of Jingming Dynasty, Pei Shuye claimed Shouchun Nei, and Wang Su and Wang Yuanxie of Pengcheng led their troops there. Whether Wang Su could get married in the first month of the first year of Jingming is already doubtful. What's more, the "Biography of Wang Su" records that after his marriage, Wang Su petitioned to resume his performance appraisal. In the eighteenth year (see "Book of Wei", Volume 7, "Gao Zu Ji Xia"), in the twenty-first year of Taihe, Emperor Xiaowen was busy with patrols and personal expeditions, and did not include performance appraisals. Therefore, the nineteenth year to the twenty-second year of Taihe was the so-called four years. Min. It can be seen from this that the marriage of Wang Su and Princess Chen Liu should be in the 23rd year of Taihe.

The beginning of this article discusses the time of Liu Hui's case. Different records appear in "Book of Wei" in "Liu Hui's Biography" "Zhengguangchu" and "Xingpu Zhi" "Shen Guizhong". The author believes that the two statements are one or two years apart (P. 3 pages). In fact, "Zhengguangchu" and "Shenguizhong" can point to the same year, that is, the third year of Shengui/the first year of Zhengguang (520). On Bingzi (the fourth day) of July of that year, Yuancha and Liu Teng imprisoned the Queen Mother Hu and killed Wang Yuanyi of Qinghe. Fang changed the third year of Shengui to the first year of Zhengguang. The Liu Hui case should have occurred in the first half of this year.After discussing the Liu Hui case, the author began to research the birth time of Princess Chen Liu. Although at first the author believed that "compared with the age of Emperor Xiaowen, she was probably born between the second and fifth years of Emperor Xianwen's reign (468-471)" (pp. Page 5), but subsequent estimates of Princess Chenliu's age are often taken to the maximum value. For example, "Princess Chenliu was about thirty-three years old" when she married Wang Su (page 8). In the third year of Jingming Dynasty (502), "the princess was about thirty-four or five years old" (page 14). With this estimate, the error may be as much as seven or eight years, because in addition to the princess being the "sixth sister" of Emperor Xiaowen, we have no idea about the princess and Xiaowen. Nothing is known about the relationship between Emperor Wen's other brothers and sisters. It is possible that the princess was born in any year between the first year of Huangxing and the death of Emperor Xianwen in the sixth year of Yanxing (467-476). By explaining this clearly, even if the age of the princess in a certain year cannot be accurately restored, it will not make the story blurry.

2. Concubine Qiu

The article "Looking for Concubine Qiu" was originally published in "Wenhui Po·Wenhui Scholars" (issued on April 10, 2022), and it can be regarded as a new work in the book "Bi Mei Shu Ling". Although the article touches on family history from the Sixteen Kingdoms to the early Northern Wei Dynasty with few historical materials, it is almost impossible to criticize due to careful research. What arouses the author's interest is the former Qin Shangshu Qiu Teng mentioned in the article. The author believes that Qiu Teng's origin is unknown and has nothing to do with the Qiuchian family in Zhongshan (note 1 on page 23), which is roughly correct. If Qiu Song's younger brother Qiu Teng mentioned in "The Biography of Eunuch Qiu Luoqi" in Volume 94 of "Book of Wei" is the same person as the former Qin Shangshu Qiu Teng, then this person is the one with the highest status in the Qiu family and will not be mentioned in the historical biography. Only his name is preserved and his official history is hidden. However, there are traces of Qiu Teng's origins as Shangshu of the former Qin Dynasty. According to "Fu Jian's Records" in Volume 114 of "Book of Jin", after Murong Chong raised his army, Fu Jian appointed Qiu Teng as the prefect of Feng Yi and "consoled Feng Yi." "People from all counties", Feng Yi is most likely from Qiuteng Township. Feng Yi was also the main county magistrate of the Qiu family at that time. In the "Biography of Xie Fangming" in Volume 53 of "Book of Song", "Northern Scholar Feng Yi Qiu Xuanda" was found. Before Sun En's Rebellion, this person had joined Xie Miao, the prefect of Wuxing. It is suspected that he was after the fall of the former Qin Dynasty. Lamphun. The discussion in the

article on how to write "family difficulties" on the epitaphs of women in sinners' homes is also worthy of attention. The author believes that if Concubine Qiu's epitaph survives, it will probably describe family difficulties like the epitaph of a female official (page 35). However, after all, there is a difference in hierarchy between female officials and princesses. Most of the epitaphs of female officials in the Northern Wei Dynasty state the reason why the empress entered the palace, probably to express Sympathy for the misfortune of the deceased (this is no longer the case in the epitaphs of palace officials in the Sui and Tang Dynasties). The person who wrote the preface to the princess's epitaph did not have to express sympathy for the princess's family history, so he could easily avoid the family difficulties and only elaborate on the princess's virtues before and after marriage. What's more, the epitaphs of princesses before the Xiaoming Dynasty of the Northern Wei Dynasty focused on the inscriptions. , The prefaces are all extremely brief, including the epitaph of Li's concubine Yuancheng, the king of Rencheng, in the second year of Jingming (501), the Mu family's epitaph of Yuanrong, the concubine of Zhangwu, in the second year of Yongping (509), and the epitaph of Li Yuanjiang, concubine Yuanhao of Beihai, in the fourth year of Yanchang (515). Nothing less. It can be seen that it is only theoretically possible for the writer of Concubine Qiu's epitaph to be difficult.

The discussion related to the story of Concubine Qiu can be ended here, but the issue of writing names throughout the book needs to be mentioned here. In the Sixteen Kingdoms and Northern Dynasties, the common character "Jun" was used for personal names, but in the book it was changed into three different writing styles: Jun, 㑺, and Jun, which seems inappropriate. Since "Princess Ruru" does not change Anayu to "Anagui" in one sentence, retaining the original writing of "Jun" should be regarded as a more appropriate treatment of ancient people's names. What's more, in the Northern Wei Dynasty, the words Jun and Jun were used together, and the latter was used in many cases. Changing Jun to Jun would inevitably lead to complications.

3. Wen Luoqi

"The Life of the Barbarian Girl Wen Luoqi" was originally published in the 35th volume of "Historical Materials of Wei, Jin, Southern and Northern Dynasties, Sui and Tang Dynasties" compiled by the Institute of Chinese Studies from the Third to the Ninth Centuries of Wuhan University (Shanghai Ancient Books Publishing House, 2017). The research object is a marginalized person that the editor has been paying attention to for a long time. It has both historical material value and historical value, so it was the first to be selected into the book "Bi Mei Shu Ling". Teachers and friends once discussed the meaning of the first title of Wen Luoqi's epitaph. The author of the article believes that the "Changqiu Lei" in "Mrs. Wen of the Changqiu Lei family" is Wen Luoqi's husband Lei Hailang, and the position of Changqiu may be a fictitious epitaph (page 69).What is suspicious about this theory is that Lei Hailang was killed as an adult criminal and never became a eunuch. It seems that the descendants of the Lei family who presided over the funeral did not need to fabricate a eunuch position for Lei Hailang. They could just follow the common practice of imagining the official title around the village. (For example, Lei Hailang was called the governor of Luyang or even the governor of Guangzhou). There is a possibility that should not be ignored, that is, "Mrs. Changqiu Lei Shiwen" is a hybrid of "Mrs. Changqiu" and "Mrs. Lei Shiwen". In other words, this Changqiu is Liu Teng, Wen Luo Qi married Liu Teng, and Liu Guihua is the adopted daughter of the two, so it is not surprising that she was sent to the harem. Lei Shi was unwilling to mention Liu Teng, but was unwilling to give up her identity as Mrs. Changqiu in Wenluoqi, so there was a rare mixture in the Zhizhi title. Secondly, it is difficult for the author to judge the pros and cons, and I sincerely pray for correction from the Fang family. There is a small mistake in the article of

. In August of the 21st year of Taihe (497), Emperor Xiaowen went on a personal expedition, and in March of the following year he was sent to the army. Here we see "The following year (498), the Southern Qi Taiwei Chen Xianda once again led his army to recapture the five Mianbei counties. Emperor Xiaowen was ill and returned again. After personally conquering and defeating Chen Xianda in Maquan City southwest of Wancheng, Emperor Xiaowen died of illness on his way back to Gutangyuan" (page 57). Emperor Xiaowen's personal expedition, the Battle of Maquan, and Gu Tangyuan's death from illness were all in the 23rd year of Taihe, there is no doubt. When did Chen Xianda lead his army to recapture the five counties in Mianbei? Volume 6 of "Book of Southern Qi" and "Records of Emperor Ming" state that in the first month of the first year of Yongtai (498), Taiwei Chen Xianda was sent to rescue Yongzhou. However, Emperor Xiaowen had not yet sent his troops to the army at that time, so there was no need to rename him for the following year. Moreover, historical materials from both the north and the south are sufficient to prove that Chen Xianda launched The attack was already in the first year of Yongyuan/the twenty-third year of Taihe (499), so "the next year (498)" should be changed to "the next year (499)".

There are two typos in this article that need to be corrected. On page 47 of the book, "Wendu Epitaph" records "General Shi Brown Zhige", and "ge" should be changed to "合" as in the appendix at the end of the article (page 72). Note 1 on page 60 changes Ying to Ying.

4. Cui Julun

"Cui Julun the Person" was originally published in the 16th volume of "New Historiography" edited by Wang Di, "The Dust of History - Micro-History Album" (Social Science Literature Press, 2022). It is the author's research around Cui Binyuan's epitaph. one of the results. The article attaches great importance to the epitaph written by Cui Julun for his aunt and sister, believing that "the author directly enters the epitaph narrative in the first person, which is rare among epitaphs in the Northern Dynasties" and "regardless of the limitations of style, boldly breaks the rules and reveals the true feelings" (page 109). This view is thought-provoking. Whether one can enter an epitaph in the first person has a lot to do with the identity of the author. If the author and the subject are relatives and friends, it is rare to enter the narrative and express emotions in the first person, but it is also reasonable. For example, when Li Jian wrote the epitaph inscription for Wang Song, in the four-character inscription that has no need for narrative Joined the relationship between himself and Zhizhu Past experience: "In the past, I was in Guanglu, and my son was in the same official position. In the eternal night of Xuandong, I was whispering and having sex." On the contrary, if the author is just an official of the Zhizhu or his relatives, or even just a scribe who was invited to write, use the first person The rationality for entering epitaphs no longer exists. Whether there are cases in the Northern Dynasties epitaphs in which other authors entered the epitaph narrative in the first person remains to be noticed by readers. There is no shortage of discussions related to the production of epitaphs in

's article. The author believes that the existing epitaph of Li Shuyin is too shabby, so the tomb robbers abandoned it (page 96). Brothers Li Bi and Li Yi did not re-engrave the epitaph for Li Shuyin (page 123), but Cui Binyuan's epitaph has a text that says "Li Fujun has his own ambitions." , this "Farewell Chronicle" should be a new epitaph with both a preface and an inscription, rather than the inscription on the tomb brick from Li Shuyin's tomb. Regarding the difference between ambition and inscription (note)/note, the epitaph of Gao Daoyue and his wife who were buried in the same year as Cui Binyuan can be used as a reference. Gao Daoyue's epitaph says: "In the old days of Taihe, there were no inscriptions in Kuei. Now I am afraid that the river ridges will be moved and the beautiful voice will be lost, so I trace the story of Huiyou and clear the earth." The epitaph of Gao Daoyue's wife Li's family says: " Although Gao Daoyue, the emperor of Changshi Dynasty, passed away, he remembered it first, but it is not clear now. The polygonum was remade, and it was sunk and re-explained. The old mountain stopped and the water was changed to the east of Zhangzhou. Therefore, at the time of the move, I set up a preface and engraved it on the upper cover, taking into account the opinions of Father, Heaven and Mother, so I did not create an inscription on the stone ear. " According to the epitaph of Gao Daoyue and his wife, it is necessary to pursue the memorial, even if it is not made of two sets of square stones to make a mandarin duck memorial.Nowadays, the inscription on Li Shuyin's tomb can only be called "inscription" or "note". The reason why Cui Binyuan's epitaph says that Li Shuyin has his own ambition is to omit the introduction of Li Shuyin's father and ancestors in the epitaph of Li Shuyin's reburial, who has not yet seen the world. , just like Li Jiuzhi’s epitaph stating that his grandfather Li Can and his father Li Xuanmao had enough information about his family to “not repeat the details”. Li Can died in the first year of Yanxing (471). There must have been only a brief tombstone when he was first buried. His reburied epitaph will also have the same specifications as the epitaph of his son Li Yuanmao.

When discussing the epitaphs of Li Yi and Cui Huihua, the author believes that the relocation date on Li Yi's epitaph may not be engraved because the original epitaph text does not have a burial date and does not need to be re-engraved after relocation (page 143). The author believes that Li Yi first went to Luoyang after being killed in Heyin, and on February 7, the third year of Yongxi (534), he and Cui Huihua moved back to Zhaojun for burial at the same time. According to the excavation briefing, the epitaphs of the two people shared a cover, and the cover contained family member information. Obviously, the epitaphs of Li Yi and Cui Huihua were used as matching inscriptions, with Cui Huihua's epitaph at the end of the text, so the relocation time was engraved on the last line of Cui Huihua's epitaph. The shared epitaph cover was made when Cui Huihua was buried for the first time in the third year of Xiaochang. In other words, both the epitaph cover and the epitaph stone made by Cui Huihua in the third year of Xiaochang were transported back to Zhao County. The bereaved family asked someone to re-make Li Yi's epitaph and added at the end of Cui Huihua's epitaph. The time of relocation is engraved, so the text on Li Yi's epitaph is consistent with the additional inscription of the time of relocation.

Cui Julun's process of reburying Cui Kai and taking his family back to Luoyang is also what the author focused on investigating. The so-called "stealing the road" in the original biography of "Book of Wei" does not mean taking unauthorized actions without complying with the marching route, but the main road is blocked and requires "traveling by alternate routes" (page 140). Then the place where Cui Kai was first buried and changed is worthy of discussion. . If, as the author says, Cui Julun fled back to Luoyang and participated in the Northern Expedition again before bringing his family back, it is unlikely that his family members are still in Ge Rong's army. The author speculates that no matter where Cui Julun originally buried Cui Kai (such as in Nanzhao County where Yinzhou Prefecture Guang'a is located), Cui Kai's family had been resettled there and did not join Ge Rong's army in the eastward expedition to Jizhou.

The article contains rich materials related to the historical events, but there are many missing links in the historical materials, making research extremely difficult. The article discusses the life of Cui Binyuan and her children, saying that after Li Shuyin's death, Cui Binyuan and her children lived together in their hometown for about three to five years. Then Yang Chun used Li Bi to conduct affairs in the county, and Li Bi stayed in the county for one or two years, and Yanchang for three years ( 514) After the death of Li Bi’s wife Zheng, brothers Li Bi and Li Yi took their mother and unmarried sister to Luoyang (actually, according to Cui Kuan’s epitaph, Li Bi’s youngest sister Li Youzhi was already married at this time) (page 113), Later it is also said that Cui Binyuan lived in Dong'anli, Luoyang for about three or four years until her death (page 119). However, Yang Chun's epitaph clearly records that Yang Chun was appointed governor of Dingzhou in the first year of Xiping (516), two years after Zheng's death. The timeline compiled by the author cannot be established. It is necessary to retell this story based on Li Bi's epitaph.

Li Bi's epitaph says:

In the third year of Jingming Dynasty, he suffered a hardship from the ruler of Nanzhao County. The Dowager Madam is filial, righteous and kind, her virtue is as good as her mother's, she is respected by nine clans, and consults and respects six marriages. The king's gentleness, pure color, and nourishment are high, and his treasures, shame, clothes, and play are unparalleled in the world. In the middle of the Yanchang year, Yang Gong, the governor, was appointed to the throne to conduct the affairs of the county. ...In the first year of the Divine Turtle, Mrs. Ding was worried. ... In your old age, you ascended to a powerful official position and no longer had any relationship with the official. Therefore, you maintained good relations with your clan members and treated the elders in your hometown with courtesy. ...Di Yi, who became an official in the second year of Zhengguang's reign, became an official of the left and right and a doctor of the Shangshu. The two Jun brothers were very friendly in nature, and Chang Di's righteousness was very strong. They fell in love with each other, so they moved to Luo. In the fifth year of Zhengguang's reign, he was ordered to get rid of Taiwei's mansion and join the army.

It can be seen from the quotation that Li Shuyin passed away in the third year of Jingming Dynasty (502). After Li Bi was in mourning, he was not summoned by the governor until "in the middle of Yanchang year", when Yang Chunfang, the governor of Dingzhou, used his own person to conduct affairs in Zhao County. The epitaph of Yang Chun details the official history of the epitaph, which states that "in the third year of Yanchang, he moved to the Fujun general and the official minister, and in the first year of Xiping, he removed the governor of Dingzhou." It can be seen that the so-called "middle of Yanchang year" in Li Bi's epitaph refers to Yanchang. From the fourth year to the first year of Xiping, that is, the first year after Emperor Xiaoming came to the throne. Two years later, Cui Binyuan died in Dong'anli, Luoyang. At this time, Li Bi, who had become a powerful official (just turned 40), was still in Zhao County. Judging from the above situation, in the first year of Zhengshi (504), brothers Li Bi and Li Yi took their mother to Luoyang after mourning to seek opportunities to become officials.In the fourth year of Yanchang, Yang Chun, the former capital official and governor of Dingzhou, was about to take office, and Li Bi, who was in Luoyang, was selected as his assistant. Li Bi followed Yang Chun to Dingzhou, while Li Yi stayed in Luoyang to take care of his mother. Two years later, Li Yi escorted his mother's coffin back to his hometown. After serving three years of mourning, he immediately became an official. Li Bi rekindled his hope of becoming an official and went to Luoyang after receiving news that his younger brother had become an official. Li Bi's epitaph says "no return to officialdom". The truth is that no one cared about Ding You after he resigned.

'Bi Mei Shu Ling: The Individual Life History of Women in the Northern Dynasties', edited by Luo Xin, published by Peking University Press in June 2024, 356 pages, 72.00 yuan. In the long tradition of human biography, the biography of the subject is usually due to career achievem - Lujuba

Yang Chun’s epitaph

The research on the deeds of uncles and nephews Cui Mo, Cui Kai and Cui Julun is also very difficult. The author believes that Cui Julun was released from the army to join the army during the Zhengguang period. At this time, Cui Mo and Cui Kai were appointed again, and Cui Julun participated in the election with the qualification of being the husband (page 130). The author believes that Cui Julun may have been helped by Cui Kai's father-in-law Li Shao earlier. During the years of Xiping and Shengui, Li Shao served as the Minister of the Ministry of Civil Affairs. The original biography says that "Shao was unable to be honest and upright when choosing a Cao Cao. He was just tolerant and demoted by those who discussed it." Cui Mo was able to "restore his capital" in the Shengui. , except for champion generals and Zhongsan doctors", they should not be unrelated to Li Shao. According to Cui Binyuan's epitaph, in April of the second year of Shengui (519), Li Shao was still the Minister of the Ministry of Personnel. In February of the following year, he was appointed governor of Jizhou (according to Zhang Bian's epitaph), but he was still a general of the Chinese army. Cui Julun was appointed by Mo Cao of Jizhou Zhenbei Prefecture to join the army. If the head of the palace was Li Shao, his title as the Great General of Zhenbei was not recorded in historical records.

The following discusses the time of Cui Mo's death in battle. The author believes that Cui Kai died at the same time or earlier (autumn and winter of the second year of Xiaochang), specifically from after August of the second year of Xiaochang to the beginning of the third year of Xiaochang (page 136). In order to verify the time of Cui Mo's death in battle, it is necessary to sort out the appointment and removal process of Qizhou governors from Zhengguang to Xiaochang years. It should be confirmed from the narrative in the biography of "Book of Wei" that Cui Mo was still engaged in Qizhou affairs until his death in battle. At the end of the Northern Wei Dynasty, Qizhou might have fallen. Xing Qizhou's governor and Xing Qizhou's affairs were all frontline war commanders. They never stayed in Qizhou permanently and became the chief governor. If someone who was engaged in Qizhou affairs died in battle, Guanzhong Xingtai would select another general to replace the deceased, and he would be given the title of acting as governor of Qizhou and conducting Qizhou affairs. "Book of Wei Su Zong Ji" records that in November of the fifth year of Zhengguang, Mo Zhesheng captured Qizhou and took charge of the governor Yuan Zhi and the governor Pei Fenzhi. In the first month of the first year of Xiaochang (the Yuan Dynasty was not changed at this time), Xiao Baoyu and Cui Yanbo defeated the Qin thieves in Heishui and captured tens of thousands. Tiansheng retreated into Longxi, Jing, Qi and Xiping in Longdong. Cui Yanbo served as the governor of Qizhou for only these two months. Wu Tingxie's Chronology of Fangzhen in the Yuan and Wei dynasties mistakenly believed the records in "Book of Wei: Biography of Cui Yanbo" and thought that Cui Yanbo went to Qizhou to be governor before the autumn of the fifth year of Zhengguang. In fact, after Liu Daobin, the governor of Qizhou, died in the fourth year of Zhengguang's reign, his replacement should be Pei Fenzhi, the next chief governor. As for Yi Yusheng, he had already served as the governor of Qizhou when he died in battle. Wu Tingxie believed that he became the governor of Qizhou after Pei Fen's death, that is, he succeeded Cui Yanbo, which is not unreasonable. After the Battle of Blackwater, Cui Yanbo was designated as the governor of the West Road and served as the governor of Qizhou, and was succeeded by Yi Yusheng. In April of the sixth year of Zhengguang, Cui Yanbo died in battle, and it was Yi Yusheng who succeeded him as the governor of the West Road.

After regaining Qizhou, the imperial court began to appoint important ministers who did not need to lead troops to fight in various places as the chief governor of Qizhou. Yang Chun's epitaph states that the emperor removed the governor of Qizhou in the sixth year of Zhengguang, and removed Wei Weiqing in the first year of Xiaochang. The person who succeeded him was Wei Langen, who was appointed governor of Qizhou at the beginning of Xiaochang (see the second and third biographies of "Book of Northern Qi"). In the first month of the third year of Xiaochang, Wei Langen was captured and Qizhou fell again. After that, Cui Mo and Du Yong went to Qizhou. Since Wei Langen was not dead, they were not allowed to serve as governors of Qizhou. "Book of Wei" Volume 45 "The Biography of Du Yong" says: In the second year of Xiaochang, he was the military commander of the Western Expedition and was engaged in Qizhou affairs. Xiao Baoji rebelled against him in October of the third year of Xiaochang. At this time, Du Yong had already taken control of Qizhou. Wei Langen, who had been reinstated, had returned to the court and paid homage to Dr. Guanglu (in April of the third year of Xiaochang, Xiao Baoji's army regained strength and he was the governor of the west). , the people of Qizhou City again recommended Wei Langen as the governor, and was later recognized by the court). The so-called "second year of Xiaochang" in this biography is either the time when Du Yongchu was the military commander of the Western Expedition, or the third year of Xiaochang. Du Yong returned to the court and removed the governor of Dongjingzhou. Wu Taizhong was transferred to Qizhou Governor. After that, the Northern Wei Dynasty no longer had any governorship or affairs in Qizhou.Since the "Biography of Cui Mo" did not cover Xiao Baoqi's rebellion against Emperor Xiaozhuang, and Cui Mo was a famous general, he should be the one to quell the traitors after Wei Langen was executed. Therefore, Cui Mo should go to Qizhou before Du Yong, and he died in battle at the time , should be the spring of the third year of Xiaochang. There are some places in the

article that can be modified. On pages 93 and 109, the year of Cui Yi's death is changed to the 20th year of Taihe. On page 96, Li Zhan's epitaph has a strict structure and is highly valued by the calligraphy circle. It cannot be said that the shape is irregular and the writing is sloppy. On page 97, the epitaph of Li Zhongyin states that it is Li Zhongyin, not Li Xuanmao, who is "buried in Xigang, the boundary of this county." Page 104, when Cui Binyuan married into the Li family, it was at most five years before Li Can's death, not "more than six years." On page 105, the relationship between Li Xuanmao's wife and Xing Luan is unknown, so they cannot be called "Xing Luan's two sisters" together with Xing Senglan. The relationship between Xing Senglan and Xing Ru is also unknown. Note 3 It cannot be said that "only Xing Luan is the brother". Page 108 Note 1 When discussing the time of Cui Kai's death, we should refer to Volume 9 of "Book of Wei" "Su Zong Ji". On page 111, the sentence "Xiaoran alone" in Cui Binyuan's epitaph has nothing to do with whether the children are adults. Cui Julun's purpose of writing this paragraph is to highlight Cui Binyuan's upbringing "making the two sons famous", Cui Binyuan himself was able to "connect with Hua Zou's mother", so " There is no need to over-interpret it as "three women are alone". On page 112, "No more than ten years old" is changed to "No more than ten years old at most." Note 1 on page 126 discusses the number of groomsmen. "Taiping Yulan" Volume 815 "Bulububu 2" cites "Zhao Shu" to call Shi Le's groomsmen sixty sons of ministers. "Songshu" Volume 15 "Book of Rites 2" "It is also recorded that a minister selected twenty-four groomsmen for Emperor Xiaowu and Queen of Jin Dynasty. It can be seen that the number of groomsmen between the two Jin Dynasties was a multiple of six. Note 2 Gu Shihui should be the great-great-grandson of Gu Hun. In addition to Cui Julun, Gu Shihui, Yuan Xianzhen, and Yuan Hongjing mentioned by the author, the people who served as Emperor Xuanwu's groomsmen were also found in "Book of Northern Qi" and "History of Northern Qi". Among the three newly discovered epitaphs, Feng Xin and Changsun Hui (Xianye) can be found. Note 2 on page 127 should be quoted from "The Biography of Cui Kai" and should not be called "the same book". On page 129, "less than a month" can be changed to "only ten days" after Emperor Xuanwu was buried. On page 130, the Zhengguang period corresponds to AD 520-525. Note 2 on page 132: Cui Qian died in the fourth year of Tianhe (569). According to the original legend of "Northern History", Xiao Changchu was already Zuo Lang. The main text states that Cui Shiyuan's appointment "is still the governor of Fangcheng", which is also incorrect. The "fake general who conquered the captives and the governor of Fangcheng" found in the original biography of "Book of Wei" should be Cui Shiyuan's appointment with his father, and he has not been promoted to a regular official. The Kai epitaph says that Cui Shiyuan "finally joined the army in Pingzhou." On page 144, "Li Xian guarded Pengcheng as the governor of Yangzhou", and Pengcheng was changed to Shouchun. Note 3 on page 149. The author speculates that Cui Xiaofen resigned as governor of Xiyanzhou in order to take care of Cui Julun. This theory is inconsistent with the original biography of "Book of Wei" that Cui Xiaofen was "tired of foreign service for a long time" and cannot be proven or falsified. On page 150, the author claims that there were no more adult males in the Cui family in Luoyang when Cui Julun died, but at this time both Cui Qian and Cui Shuo had already entered the official ranks and had not yet followed He Basheng to Jingzhou, not to mention that Cui Mo still had a son, Cui Shihu. It is also stated below that Cui Ziwu’s maternal grandmother Xing is still alive, and relevant materials must be cited to prove this.

5. Sengzhi

The original title of this article is "Explanation of the Epitaph of Sengzhi in the Northern Wei Dynasty", published in the 13th volume of "Peking University History" (Peking University Press, 2008). When included in this book, it was comprehensively conducted by Zhang Yuning, a doctoral candidate in the Department of History of Peking University. Revision. In the first section of the article, it is difficult to verify the historical events related to Hu Guozhen's family, but the author peels off the details and reaches a convincing conclusion. The epitaph of Hu Guobao quoted in this section only came to light in the year the original article was published. It was the new material that Zhang Yuning added when revising the article, which is helpful in discussing the posthumous gifts of members of the Hu family. Hu Kang’s epitaph can also be quoted here. Hu Kang's epitaph is included in the second volume of "The Essence of Epitaphs of the Northern Dynasties" "Northern Wei Volume 6" (Shanghai Calligraphy and Painting Publishing House, 2022). The owner of the epitaph is the elder brother of the Empress Dowager Hu. Zhiwen said that he died in Chongrenli, Luoyang, and was buried in the mausoleum of Congbo Taishang Qin Gong (i.e. Hu Guozhen) on October 9, the first year of Shengui (518), about one month earlier than Hu Guobao was buried. Neither the epitaph of Hu Kang nor the epitaph of Hu Guobao records the official title and the year of his death, so they can be used as reference for each other.The second section of the

article focuses on the emphasis that court Buddhism in the Northern Wei Dynasty placed on righteousness. It quotes the "Seng Yuan Zhuan" in "The Biography of Eminent Monks" to explain that the monk Daodeng was "good at Nirvana and the Lotus" (page 168). "The Continuing Biography of Eminent Monks" also contains the "Biography of Shi Daodeng of Baode Temple in Weihengzhou". Although the narrative of this biography contains many errors, it is still certain that the author of the biography is the same person as Dao Deng of "Seng Yuan Biography". "The Biography of Daodeng" mentioned that Daodeng studied the three sutras "Nirvana", "Lotus" and "Shengzhi" under Monk Yao before following Seng Yuan. It can be seen that Dao Deng studied the same classics as Seng Zhi. According to the "Biography of Daodeng", we can know that Daodeng and Tandu both received "Chengshi Lun" from Sengyuan's sect, and were invited to the Northern Wei Dynasty together. This biography can supplement the author's discussion (see note 1 on page 175 ). The second section of the

article also discusses the death of Emperor Xuanwu and Empress Gaoying. The author believes that Queen Mother Hu asked Gao Ying to "leave Yaoguang Temple to a place where her identity as Queen Mother can be revealed" before carrying out the assassination in response to the astronomical changes (note 1 on page 182), and that Gaoying was buried with nun rites "probably indicating that she became a monk" Being a nun means that she no longer has the status of concubine in the system" (page 185). However, Gao Ying was not deposed until her death and was still called Empress Dowager Chongxian, Empress Dowager Gao or Empress Dowager Gaoni. In fact, Yaoguang Temple protected Gao Ying. Empress Dowager Hu did not want to commit murder in the temple, so she killed Gao Ying while she was away visiting her mother. According to "Wei Shu·Celestial Phenomenon", Shi Chen believed that the astronomical change corresponding to Gao Ying's death occurred in the leap tenth month of the fourth year of Yanchang (515). It is really intriguing that Empress Dowager Hu had to wait until three years to kill Gao Ying.

Since the epitaph of Sengzhi mentions Wang Su’s wife Xie, it is inevitable to refer to the article "Princess Chenliu". Therefore, although the article mentions Uncle Pei’s family attachment in the first month of the first year of Jingming, it still inherits the "Princess Chenliu" From this perspective, it is believed that Princess Wang Sushang happened in the first year of Jingming Dynasty. It is said below that Wang Su stayed in Luoyang for a short period of two or three months, which is not correct. In August of the first year of Jingming Dynasty, Wang Yuanxie of Pengcheng was conquered and returned to the court after defeating Chen Bozhi. Wang Yuanying of Zhongshan went to Yangzhou, and Wang Su was appointed as the governor of Yangzhou in the rear. Stayed in Luoyang for at least four months. Many parts of the text of

need to be modified. The "Sengzhi" in the title of the epitaph on page 151 is changed to "Shi Sengzhi". Page 157 When Sengzhi turned twenty, it should be the second year of peace (461). The text on pages 159-160 cites "The Biography of Hu Guozhen" and should call it "History of the North" rather than "Book of Wei". Note 1 on page 160: "Zi Shuanchou" in the epitaph of Xi Zhi was changed to "Hongchou" in the epitaph of Xi Zhi, and "Jutianwang" and "Zhang Qiangang" in the epitaph of Gujing were changed to "Jutiangang" and "Zhang Qianwang". In the text on page 162, "Hu Baoguo has not been an official for a long time and is a virgin." Hu Baoguo should be changed to Hu Guobao. Note 1 "Wang Guobao" should also be corrected. Page 159 and page 162 quote the same material as "Edict to the Grandfather (Brother) Father and Elder Brother of Guozhen", so there should be some choice between them. Note 1 on page 164 "Douhuang" is changed to "燉huang". On page 168, the "Book of Wei" quotation has been deleted from the "History of Yaai Sutra" which has nothing to do with Buddhism. On page 172, "the fourth year of Jingming (504)" was changed to "the fourth year of Jingming (503)". The person who wrote the letter was Yu Jin instead of Yu Lie. Note 4 on page 177: There is no doubt that Zi Nei Temple is not "Purple Nei Temple". On page 179, it cannot be determined that Wang Puxian entered the palace in the first year of Zhengshi. Note 7 on the same page is "Chenghua Shifu". "Book of Wei" refers to Chenghua Shifu, so we should follow it. Qian Daxin's "Twenty-Two Histories" It has been pointed out that "concubines and concubines all have special names, and historians cannot list them all." The "He Qing Ling" of the Northern Qi Dynasty recorded in the "Biography of the Concubines" in Volume 13 of "Northern History" records the third concubine, the ninth concubine, and the twenty-first concubine. The honorary name of the seventh wife and the eighty-one royal daughter. The title of Note 1 on page 182, "The Biography of Empress Xuanwu Gao", Note 3 on page 184 and Note 3 on page 186, "Compilation of Epitaphs of the Han, Wei, Southern and Northern Dynasties" need to be corrected.

6. Yuan Jicong

The subject of this article is a woman who was only 21 years old when she died. It is not easy for her epitaph to survive to this day, making her life known to the world. As the granddaughter of Emperor Xiaowen and the daughter of Yuanyi, Prince of Qinghe, an important minister of the Xiaoming Emperor, Yuan Jicong was considered a high achiever in the marriage market, and was naturally not what the author calls an "ordinary clan daughter" (page 194). Although the size of her epitaph is not huge, it is well-made. The preface and inscription totaling more than 400 words are already a masterpiece in Yuan Jicong's short life.Due to the scarcity of historical materials about Yuan Jicong himself, researchers have to discuss his kinship relationships, otherwise there will be no writing. Therefore, the first section of this article focuses on examining the lives of Yuan Yi and his children. In addition to the children of Yuan Yi mentioned in the article, "Northern History" Volume 5 "Wei Benji 5" records that Princess Ande, the younger sister of Emperor Xiaowu Yuanxiu, was the daughter of Yuan Yi, and Yuan Xiu and Yuan Jicong were born in the same year, so we know that Princess Ande was Yuan Jicong's sister. He is not found in the list of family members attached to Yuansi's epitaph, and the reason remains to be determined.

Yuan Yi’s experience in the Xiaoming Dynasty is the focus of the article. The author mistakenly believed in the record of Chongjue Temple in "Chengxi" in Volume 4 of "Luoyang Jialan Ji" and actually said that Yuan Yi, Yuan Huai and Yuan Yong jointly assisted the government after receiving the imperial edict (page 199). According to the "Biography of the Six Kings of Xiaowen" in Volume 19 of "Northern History", Emperor Xuanwu's brothers were imprisoned in Hualin Villa until the death of Emperor Xuanwu on the 13th of the first month of the fourth year of Yanchang (515). Two days later, Yuan Huai wanted to go to the Taiji Hall to cry and meet the new emperor, but Cui Guang stopped him (Book of Wei, Volume 67, "Cui Guang Biography"). How could he accept the imperial edict to assist the government? Moreover, the next day Yu Zhong, Cui Guang and others decided to let all officials take orders from Yuan Yong and Yuan Cheng. It took nearly a month before the so-called three kings assisted the government (Book of Wei, Volume 9, "Su Zong Ji"). The following quote from "Northern History·Hu Guozhen's Biography" states that in October of the same year, Hu Guozhen was appointed as the Supervisor of the Zhongshu, and he lived under the family together with Yuan Yong, Yuan Yi, and Yuan Huai. The later text also said that "with Yuan Yong being dismissed, Hu Guozhen, Yuan Huai, and Yuan Huai Cheng and other court officials died one after another, and the relationship between Yuan Yi and Yuan Cha became increasingly tense” (page 201), which is also uncertain. Yuan Huai died earlier than Hu Guozhen. Yu Zhong was responsible for Yu Zhong's dismissal. It happened in August of the fourth year of Yanchang. In December, Yuan Yong was reinstated as Taishi. It was not until August of the second year of Xiping (517) that he was able to live under his family. , Hu Guozhen was already a Situ at that time, and Yuan Huai had passed away. When the relationship between Yuan Yi and Yuan Cha was tense, Yongzheng of the Yuan Dynasty was in a high position, so the original biography of "Book of Wei" states that "with the death of King Yi of Qinghe, Yuan Cha became dictatorial, and the great responsibility of the world fell on Yan". When

discusses the deeds of Yuan Ji and Yuan Cha's father and son, the article states that "During the Xiaowen and Xuanwu dynasties, Yuan Ji led troops and never participated in central affairs" (page 199), which is incorrect. According to the original biography of "Book of Wei", Yuan Ji led the army in Jianzhong during the Xiaowen Dynasty and stayed in Luojing. In the Xuanwu Dynasty, he also served as Duzhi Shangshu. It is further said below that Yuanji was impeached and removed from office, "which shows that he is not good at managing politics." The original biography of "Book of Wei" records that Yuan Ji was exonerated. Even if Yuan Ji did break the law, it does not mean that he was not good at governing. Similar misinterpretation of historical data can still be seen below. The author actually thought that Liu Fang's so-called "unsuitable age" refers to Yuan Xun being unworthy of his daughter (rather than the other way around). He also said that Yuan Xun "even if he is the crown prince of the East Palace, he is not good enough." It is difficult to get Liu Fang's approval" (page 210). If this is true, how could Emperor Xiaowen "sigh on Liu Fang's modesty" after she refused to intermarry? The later article discusses Yuan Si's murder in Heyin, saying that "Yuan Si has been promoted to the title of Changshan King, and he is also prominently listed at this time." Yuan Si was killed not because of the king of Changshan, but because he was the general of Wei and Yin of Henan, and he had to be there to welcome the emperor. Er Zhurong's murder of hundreds of officials was not a sudden murderous intention, but a premeditated plan. Later, it is said that Er Zhurong was killed by "Yuan Xin's hand-killed enemy" (page 223), which is also incorrect. According to the original biography of "Book of Wei", Yuan Xinzhi just wrote a letter to express his determination. The main contributors who were actually present to help Emperor Xiaozhuang kill Er Zhurong and Yuan Tianmu were Li Kanxi, Lu An and others.

Yuan Jicong’s husband Li Ting is the key figure in this article. When calculating Li Ting's age, the author mistakenly used the AD year corresponding to the third year of Wu Ding (545) as the year of Li Ting's death (actually it should be 541, an improvisation of three years), which resulted in Li Ting being forced to postpone his birth by four years. And trigger the butterfly effect. In fact, Li Ting's birth year should be the second year of Taihe (478), and he was nine years older than Yuan Yi (page 208). Yuan Xun was born in the seventh year of Taihe, five years younger than Li Ting (page 210), and Li Yuanhua was also five years younger than Li Ting (note 2 on page 214, text on page 220). Li Ting was thirty years old when he married Concubine Liu You (page 211), he was fifty-one when Emperor Xiaozhuang was first established, and he was fifty-two when he was appointed minister (page 221). In addition, since the author miscalculated Yuan Yi's birth year, the so-called "Yuan Ke is three years older than Yuan Yi" (page 211) cannot be established, let alone Yuan Ke recorded on the Later Wei Yushe Stele collected in "Jinshilu" The year of birth is different from that in "Book of Wei".

'Bi Mei Shu Ling: The Individual Life History of Women in the Northern Dynasties', edited by Luo Xin, published by Peking University Press in June 2024, 356 pages, 72.00 yuan. In the long tradition of human biography, the biography of the subject is usually due to career achievem - Lujuba

"Bimei Shuling: The Individual Life History of Women in the Northern Dynasties", edited by Luo Xin, published by Peking University Press in June 2024, 356 pages, 72.00 yuan

In the long tradition of human biography, the biography is usually based on career achievements. or a person who enjoys fame due to his or her social status. Modern historians have turned their attention to figures who have been ignored in the past, with the purpose of discovering lost stories, trying to reveal a picture that has not received macro-historical attention or has been intentionally obscured. The rediscovery of unearthed materials provides convenience for scholars interested in engaging in micro-historical research. Ancient Chinese epitaphs are excellent materials for historians to retell stories. Most of the personal lives and interpersonal relationships recorded in epitaphs are missing or unclear in historical transmissions. Through the connection between epitaphs and historical biographies, sorting out the relationship between characters, historical events and times, and finding the disciplinary meaning from them, may be the orientation of individual life history. In recent years, scholars from various countries have made more in-depth use of ancient Chinese epitaphs, and have produced influential works on individual life history. In 2020, the book Chinese Funeral Biographies: an Anthology of Remembered Lives edited by Yi Peixia, Yao Ping, and Zhang Cong was published by the University of Washington Press. The Chinese version was released the following year, titled "Remembering Life: An Anthology of Remembered Lives" Inscription" (Shanghai Ancient Books Publishing House, 2021). Around the same time, the "Five Generations in Monuments" series of works compiled by scholars such as Yamaguchi Tomoya, Li Zonghan, Liu Xiangguang, Chen Yunru, Liu Liyan, etc. was published. Among them, "Five Generations of Women under World Change" (Guangxi Normal University Press, 2021) focuses on the history of women's lives. , providing a reference example for the study of five generations of women.

Also in 2020, Professor Luo Xin from the Department of History at Peking University began to compile a collection of essays, bringing together the academic community's excellent works on the use of stone carvings to study women in the Northern Dynasties. After four years, the book finally came out, which is "Bimei Shuling: The Individual Life History of Women in the Northern Dynasties" (Peking University Press, 2024) reviewed in this article. Luo Xin has been engaged in the study of stone carvings for a long time and is the author of "New Evidence of Epitaphs of the Wei, Jin, Southern and Northern Dynasties" (co-authored with Ye Wei, Zhonghua Book Company, 2005). In recent years, he has been calling for history to declare war on inequality. The book "Bi Mei Shu Ling" is a challenge to traditional history and historiography. In the preface to this book, the editor makes a clear statement, emphasizing that traditional history and historiography were the accomplices of those in power in ancient China in shaping the pattern of gender inequality. This conclusion is thought-provoking. As the editor said, "women have been systematically excluded from the compilation of history" (page 1 of the preface). Therefore, when modern scholars write biographies of ancient women, they must go beyond the writing methods of concubines, princesses, and women's biographies in the past. and evaluation system, with the purpose of restoring the individual life history of ancient women as much as possible and retelling the stories of ancient women. Before "Bi Mei Shu Ling", Luo Xin had already used epitaphs to write "The Long Remaining Life: A Northern Wei Palace Lady and Her Era" (Beijing Daily Press, 2022), which brought the life history of women in the Northern Dynasties to the attention of readers.

'Bi Mei Shu Ling: The Individual Life History of Women in the Northern Dynasties', edited by Luo Xin, published by Peking University Press in June 2024, 356 pages, 72.00 yuan. In the long tradition of human biography, the biography of the subject is usually due to career achievem - Lujuba

"The Long Remaining Life: A Northern Wei Palace Lady and Her Era"

is a biography of ancient women. It seems to be just a series of interpretations of various materials related to the biography, textual research, speculation and even imagining the biography of the biography at each age or age. point-in-time experience, but it’s not easy to do this job well. First of all, the materials need to be collected as completely as possible. Any oversight may lead to overall errors and hastily rewrite the life trajectories of ancient people. Subsequently, we need to go through intensive research to overcome the difficulties caused by the lack of historical data, and fill in the gaps in the records with reasonable imagination when necessary. The most important thing is that individual life history is not limited to the biography of the person, but also needs to depict the historical picture that was little known in the past but worthy of attention based on the restoration of the person's life. From a technical level, individual life history is first of all a "puzzle technique" (a life fragmented by historical documents is reassembled), and the artistic achievement of the puzzle depends on the author's understanding of the era in which the research object lives.

In addition to introducing the biography of the protagonist, the eleven articles included in "Bimei Shuling" each have their own interests."Princess Chenliu" shows the will of women in marriage, "Looking for Concubine Qiu" focuses on the fate of women from sinners' families in the Northern Wei Dynasty, and "The Life of Barbarian Girl Wen Luoqi" writes about the barbarians whose living space was squeezed by both the north and the south in the late Northern Wei Dynasty. situation, "Cui Julun's Person" allows readers to see the prospects of multi-center family history research, "The Most Famous Bhikshuni Sengzhi in the Northern Wei Dynasty" discusses the relationship between Buddhism and politics in the Northern Wei Dynasty court, and "The Joy and Sorrow of Yuan Jicong" also discusses the relationship between women and girls. position of servant Research on "Princess Changshan's Miscellaneous Deeds" involves the adoption of criminals in the Northern Wei clan, "The Epitaph of Yuan Yueji and the Historical Events Between Liang and Chen" details Wang Lin's legendary journey in the Three Kingdoms in the late Northern Dynasties, "Recovering the Lost in the Three Kingdoms" "Story in the Dust" deeply discusses the fate of women in the previous dynasty's royal family, "Shang Shang Forever Separated" is a microcosm of countless families being torn apart after the split of the Northern Wei Dynasty, and "Princess Ruru" reveals that young women have become victims of international political marriages. These topics may make the story of a distant stranger attract more readers' attention, but from the perspective of the whole book, the story itself is still the most important. The story is caring, because the women of the Northern Dynasties were participants, witnesses and even witnesses of the history of the Northern Dynasties. Shapers are an indispensable part of the history of the Northern Dynasties. Their figures should be seen by the world, and their stories should not be buried.

Since stories are caring, it is particularly necessary to use materials to tell good stories. Since the articles included in the book were written at different times and have different purposes, as new materials are constantly discovered, there may be something that can be added. As readers, we might as well enter the life world of Northern Dynasties women in the book with the author, and see other aspects of the story besides the author's narration.

1. Princess Chenliu

The article "Princess Chenliu" was originally published in the 2005 issue of "Dushu" and was revised when it was included in this book. The article claims that the second daughter Wang Su's wife Xie brought to the north cannot be verified (page 10), but the article is accompanied by an epitaph plate of Yuan Zhan from the second year of Wuding in the Eastern Wei Dynasty (544), which records that Yuan Zhan's mother was Wang Su's daughter. The old article of "Princess Chenliu" believed that this was Wang Su's second daughter. This revision has changed the original view. It is probably suspected that this daughter may also be born to Wang Su's concubine. The author believes that the views in the old article can be relied upon. Yuan Zhan attacked the prince of Guangyang in Yuanyuan, and the Wang family should be the princess of Yuanyuan. In the 23rd year of Taihe (499), Emperor Xiaowen died, and Wang Su and Wang Yuanjia of Guangyang received the imperial edict to assist the government. At this time, Yuan Yuan, the prince of Yuanjia, was fifteen years old (according to calculations from Yuan Yuan's epitaph), which was close to the age of marriage. Wang Su abandoned his wife and son and fled north for more than six years. If Concubine Yuan Yuan was born after Wang Su fled north , she is only five years old at most, and I am afraid it will be difficult for her to become Yuan Yuan's first wife. Therefore, it can be concluded that Concubine Yuanyuan was brought here by the Xie family, but there is no evidence to prove that Wang Puxian is older than Concubine Yuanyuan Wang. The article simply calls Wang Puxian the eldest daughter of Wang Su, which may not be true.

The time when Princess Chen Liu married Wang Su is also worthy of scrutiny. The article states that "Judging from the chronology of historical data, Wang Sushang and Princess Chenliu were married to Princess Chenliu in the first year of Emperor Xuanwu's Jingming Dynasty (500)" (page 8). The so-called chronology of historical data is the narrative sequence of "The Biography of Wang Su" in Volume 63 of "Book of Wei", and this According to the biography, Wang Su got married before Uncle Pei surrendered to the Wei Dynasty. According to "Shi Zong Ji", Volume 8 of "Book of Wei", on the seventh day of the first month of the first year of Jingming Dynasty, Pei Shuye claimed Shouchun Nei, and Wang Su and Wang Yuanxie of Pengcheng led their troops there. Whether Wang Su could get married in the first month of the first year of Jingming is already doubtful. What's more, the "Biography of Wang Su" records that after his marriage, Wang Su petitioned to resume his performance appraisal. In the eighteenth year (see "Book of Wei", Volume 7, "Gao Zu Ji Xia"), in the twenty-first year of Taihe, Emperor Xiaowen was busy with patrols and personal expeditions, and did not include performance appraisals. Therefore, the nineteenth year to the twenty-second year of Taihe was the so-called four years. Min. It can be seen from this that the marriage of Wang Su and Princess Chen Liu should be in the 23rd year of Taihe.

The beginning of this article discusses the time of Liu Hui's case. Different records appear in "Book of Wei" in "Liu Hui's Biography" "Zhengguangchu" and "Xingpu Zhi" "Shen Guizhong". The author believes that the two statements are one or two years apart (P. 3 pages). In fact, "Zhengguangchu" and "Shenguizhong" can point to the same year, that is, the third year of Shengui/the first year of Zhengguang (520). On Bingzi (the fourth day) of July of that year, Yuancha and Liu Teng imprisoned the Queen Mother Hu and killed Wang Yuanyi of Qinghe. Fang changed the third year of Shengui to the first year of Zhengguang. The Liu Hui case should have occurred in the first half of this year.After discussing the Liu Hui case, the author began to research the birth time of Princess Chen Liu. Although at first the author believed that "compared with the age of Emperor Xiaowen, she was probably born between the second and fifth years of Emperor Xianwen's reign (468-471)" (pp. Page 5), but subsequent estimates of Princess Chenliu's age are often taken to the maximum value. For example, "Princess Chenliu was about thirty-three years old" when she married Wang Su (page 8). In the third year of Jingming Dynasty (502), "the princess was about thirty-four or five years old" (page 14). With this estimate, the error may be as much as seven or eight years, because in addition to the princess being the "sixth sister" of Emperor Xiaowen, we have no idea about the princess and Xiaowen. Nothing is known about the relationship between Emperor Wen's other brothers and sisters. It is possible that the princess was born in any year between the first year of Huangxing and the death of Emperor Xianwen in the sixth year of Yanxing (467-476). By explaining this clearly, even if the age of the princess in a certain year cannot be accurately restored, it will not make the story blurry.

2. Concubine Qiu

The article "Looking for Concubine Qiu" was originally published in "Wenhui Po·Wenhui Scholars" (issued on April 10, 2022), and it can be regarded as a new work in the book "Bi Mei Shu Ling". Although the article touches on family history from the Sixteen Kingdoms to the early Northern Wei Dynasty with few historical materials, it is almost impossible to criticize due to careful research. What arouses the author's interest is the former Qin Shangshu Qiu Teng mentioned in the article. The author believes that Qiu Teng's origin is unknown and has nothing to do with the Qiuchian family in Zhongshan (note 1 on page 23), which is roughly correct. If Qiu Song's younger brother Qiu Teng mentioned in "The Biography of Eunuch Qiu Luoqi" in Volume 94 of "Book of Wei" is the same person as the former Qin Shangshu Qiu Teng, then this person is the one with the highest status in the Qiu family and will not be mentioned in the historical biography. Only his name is preserved and his official history is hidden. However, there are traces of Qiu Teng's origins as Shangshu of the former Qin Dynasty. According to "Fu Jian's Records" in Volume 114 of "Book of Jin", after Murong Chong raised his army, Fu Jian appointed Qiu Teng as the prefect of Feng Yi and "consoled Feng Yi." "People from all counties", Feng Yi is most likely from Qiuteng Township. Feng Yi was also the main county magistrate of the Qiu family at that time. In the "Biography of Xie Fangming" in Volume 53 of "Book of Song", "Northern Scholar Feng Yi Qiu Xuanda" was found. Before Sun En's Rebellion, this person had joined Xie Miao, the prefect of Wuxing. It is suspected that he was after the fall of the former Qin Dynasty. Lamphun. The discussion in the

article on how to write "family difficulties" on the epitaphs of women in sinners' homes is also worthy of attention. The author believes that if Concubine Qiu's epitaph survives, it will probably describe family difficulties like the epitaph of a female official (page 35). However, after all, there is a difference in hierarchy between female officials and princesses. Most of the epitaphs of female officials in the Northern Wei Dynasty state the reason why the empress entered the palace, probably to express Sympathy for the misfortune of the deceased (this is no longer the case in the epitaphs of palace officials in the Sui and Tang Dynasties). The person who wrote the preface to the princess's epitaph did not have to express sympathy for the princess's family history, so he could easily avoid the family difficulties and only elaborate on the princess's virtues before and after marriage. What's more, the epitaphs of princesses before the Xiaoming Dynasty of the Northern Wei Dynasty focused on the inscriptions. , The prefaces are all extremely brief, including the epitaph of Li's concubine Yuancheng, the king of Rencheng, in the second year of Jingming (501), the Mu family's epitaph of Yuanrong, the concubine of Zhangwu, in the second year of Yongping (509), and the epitaph of Li Yuanjiang, concubine Yuanhao of Beihai, in the fourth year of Yanchang (515). Nothing less. It can be seen that it is only theoretically possible for the writer of Concubine Qiu's epitaph to be difficult.

The discussion related to the story of Concubine Qiu can be ended here, but the issue of writing names throughout the book needs to be mentioned here. In the Sixteen Kingdoms and Northern Dynasties, the common character "Jun" was used for personal names, but in the book it was changed into three different writing styles: Jun, 㑺, and Jun, which seems inappropriate. Since "Princess Ruru" does not change Anayu to "Anagui" in one sentence, retaining the original writing of "Jun" should be regarded as a more appropriate treatment of ancient people's names. What's more, in the Northern Wei Dynasty, the words Jun and Jun were used together, and the latter was used in many cases. Changing Jun to Jun would inevitably lead to complications.

3. Wen Luoqi

"The Life of the Barbarian Girl Wen Luoqi" was originally published in the 35th volume of "Historical Materials of Wei, Jin, Southern and Northern Dynasties, Sui and Tang Dynasties" compiled by the Institute of Chinese Studies from the Third to the Ninth Centuries of Wuhan University (Shanghai Ancient Books Publishing House, 2017). The research object is a marginalized person that the editor has been paying attention to for a long time. It has both historical material value and historical value, so it was the first to be selected into the book "Bi Mei Shu Ling". Teachers and friends once discussed the meaning of the first title of Wen Luoqi's epitaph. The author of the article believes that the "Changqiu Lei" in "Mrs. Wen of the Changqiu Lei family" is Wen Luoqi's husband Lei Hailang, and the position of Changqiu may be a fictitious epitaph (page 69).What is suspicious about this theory is that Lei Hailang was killed as an adult criminal and never became a eunuch. It seems that the descendants of the Lei family who presided over the funeral did not need to fabricate a eunuch position for Lei Hailang. They could just follow the common practice of imagining the official title around the village. (For example, Lei Hailang was called the governor of Luyang or even the governor of Guangzhou). There is a possibility that should not be ignored, that is, "Mrs. Changqiu Lei Shiwen" is a hybrid of "Mrs. Changqiu" and "Mrs. Lei Shiwen". In other words, this Changqiu is Liu Teng, Wen Luo Qi married Liu Teng, and Liu Guihua is the adopted daughter of the two, so it is not surprising that she was sent to the harem. Lei Shi was unwilling to mention Liu Teng, but was unwilling to give up her identity as Mrs. Changqiu in Wenluoqi, so there was a rare mixture in the Zhizhi title. Secondly, it is difficult for the author to judge the pros and cons, and I sincerely pray for correction from the Fang family. There is a small mistake in the article of

. In August of the 21st year of Taihe (497), Emperor Xiaowen went on a personal expedition, and in March of the following year he was sent to the army. Here we see "The following year (498), the Southern Qi Taiwei Chen Xianda once again led his army to recapture the five Mianbei counties. Emperor Xiaowen was ill and returned again. After personally conquering and defeating Chen Xianda in Maquan City southwest of Wancheng, Emperor Xiaowen died of illness on his way back to Gutangyuan" (page 57). Emperor Xiaowen's personal expedition, the Battle of Maquan, and Gu Tangyuan's death from illness were all in the 23rd year of Taihe, there is no doubt. When did Chen Xianda lead his army to recapture the five counties in Mianbei? Volume 6 of "Book of Southern Qi" and "Records of Emperor Ming" state that in the first month of the first year of Yongtai (498), Taiwei Chen Xianda was sent to rescue Yongzhou. However, Emperor Xiaowen had not yet sent his troops to the army at that time, so there was no need to rename him for the following year. Moreover, historical materials from both the north and the south are sufficient to prove that Chen Xianda launched The attack was already in the first year of Yongyuan/the twenty-third year of Taihe (499), so "the next year (498)" should be changed to "the next year (499)".

There are two typos in this article that need to be corrected. On page 47 of the book, "Wendu Epitaph" records "General Shi Brown Zhige", and "ge" should be changed to "合" as in the appendix at the end of the article (page 72). Note 1 on page 60 changes Ying to Ying.

4. Cui Julun

"Cui Julun the Person" was originally published in the 16th volume of "New Historiography" edited by Wang Di, "The Dust of History - Micro-History Album" (Social Science Literature Press, 2022). It is the author's research around Cui Binyuan's epitaph. one of the results. The article attaches great importance to the epitaph written by Cui Julun for his aunt and sister, believing that "the author directly enters the epitaph narrative in the first person, which is rare among epitaphs in the Northern Dynasties" and "regardless of the limitations of style, boldly breaks the rules and reveals the true feelings" (page 109). This view is thought-provoking. Whether one can enter an epitaph in the first person has a lot to do with the identity of the author. If the author and the subject are relatives and friends, it is rare to enter the narrative and express emotions in the first person, but it is also reasonable. For example, when Li Jian wrote the epitaph inscription for Wang Song, in the four-character inscription that has no need for narrative Joined the relationship between himself and Zhizhu Past experience: "In the past, I was in Guanglu, and my son was in the same official position. In the eternal night of Xuandong, I was whispering and having sex." On the contrary, if the author is just an official of the Zhizhu or his relatives, or even just a scribe who was invited to write, use the first person The rationality for entering epitaphs no longer exists. Whether there are cases in the Northern Dynasties epitaphs in which other authors entered the epitaph narrative in the first person remains to be noticed by readers. There is no shortage of discussions related to the production of epitaphs in

's article. The author believes that the existing epitaph of Li Shuyin is too shabby, so the tomb robbers abandoned it (page 96). Brothers Li Bi and Li Yi did not re-engrave the epitaph for Li Shuyin (page 123), but Cui Binyuan's epitaph has a text that says "Li Fujun has his own ambitions." , this "Farewell Chronicle" should be a new epitaph with both a preface and an inscription, rather than the inscription on the tomb brick from Li Shuyin's tomb. Regarding the difference between ambition and inscription (note)/note, the epitaph of Gao Daoyue and his wife who were buried in the same year as Cui Binyuan can be used as a reference. Gao Daoyue's epitaph says: "In the old days of Taihe, there were no inscriptions in Kuei. Now I am afraid that the river ridges will be moved and the beautiful voice will be lost, so I trace the story of Huiyou and clear the earth." The epitaph of Gao Daoyue's wife Li's family says: " Although Gao Daoyue, the emperor of Changshi Dynasty, passed away, he remembered it first, but it is not clear now. The polygonum was remade, and it was sunk and re-explained. The old mountain stopped and the water was changed to the east of Zhangzhou. Therefore, at the time of the move, I set up a preface and engraved it on the upper cover, taking into account the opinions of Father, Heaven and Mother, so I did not create an inscription on the stone ear. " According to the epitaph of Gao Daoyue and his wife, it is necessary to pursue the memorial, even if it is not made of two sets of square stones to make a mandarin duck memorial.Nowadays, the inscription on Li Shuyin's tomb can only be called "inscription" or "note". The reason why Cui Binyuan's epitaph says that Li Shuyin has his own ambition is to omit the introduction of Li Shuyin's father and ancestors in the epitaph of Li Shuyin's reburial, who has not yet seen the world. , just like Li Jiuzhi’s epitaph stating that his grandfather Li Can and his father Li Xuanmao had enough information about his family to “not repeat the details”. Li Can died in the first year of Yanxing (471). There must have been only a brief tombstone when he was first buried. His reburied epitaph will also have the same specifications as the epitaph of his son Li Yuanmao.

When discussing the epitaphs of Li Yi and Cui Huihua, the author believes that the relocation date on Li Yi's epitaph may not be engraved because the original epitaph text does not have a burial date and does not need to be re-engraved after relocation (page 143). The author believes that Li Yi first went to Luoyang after being killed in Heyin, and on February 7, the third year of Yongxi (534), he and Cui Huihua moved back to Zhaojun for burial at the same time. According to the excavation briefing, the epitaphs of the two people shared a cover, and the cover contained family member information. Obviously, the epitaphs of Li Yi and Cui Huihua were used as matching inscriptions, with Cui Huihua's epitaph at the end of the text, so the relocation time was engraved on the last line of Cui Huihua's epitaph. The shared epitaph cover was made when Cui Huihua was buried for the first time in the third year of Xiaochang. In other words, both the epitaph cover and the epitaph stone made by Cui Huihua in the third year of Xiaochang were transported back to Zhao County. The bereaved family asked someone to re-make Li Yi's epitaph and added at the end of Cui Huihua's epitaph. The time of relocation is engraved, so the text on Li Yi's epitaph is consistent with the additional inscription of the time of relocation.

Cui Julun's process of reburying Cui Kai and taking his family back to Luoyang is also what the author focused on investigating. The so-called "stealing the road" in the original biography of "Book of Wei" does not mean taking unauthorized actions without complying with the marching route, but the main road is blocked and requires "traveling by alternate routes" (page 140). Then the place where Cui Kai was first buried and changed is worthy of discussion. . If, as the author says, Cui Julun fled back to Luoyang and participated in the Northern Expedition again before bringing his family back, it is unlikely that his family members are still in Ge Rong's army. The author speculates that no matter where Cui Julun originally buried Cui Kai (such as in Nanzhao County where Yinzhou Prefecture Guang'a is located), Cui Kai's family had been resettled there and did not join Ge Rong's army in the eastward expedition to Jizhou.

The article contains rich materials related to the historical events, but there are many missing links in the historical materials, making research extremely difficult. The article discusses the life of Cui Binyuan and her children, saying that after Li Shuyin's death, Cui Binyuan and her children lived together in their hometown for about three to five years. Then Yang Chun used Li Bi to conduct affairs in the county, and Li Bi stayed in the county for one or two years, and Yanchang for three years ( 514) After the death of Li Bi’s wife Zheng, brothers Li Bi and Li Yi took their mother and unmarried sister to Luoyang (actually, according to Cui Kuan’s epitaph, Li Bi’s youngest sister Li Youzhi was already married at this time) (page 113), Later it is also said that Cui Binyuan lived in Dong'anli, Luoyang for about three or four years until her death (page 119). However, Yang Chun's epitaph clearly records that Yang Chun was appointed governor of Dingzhou in the first year of Xiping (516), two years after Zheng's death. The timeline compiled by the author cannot be established. It is necessary to retell this story based on Li Bi's epitaph.

Li Bi's epitaph says:

In the third year of Jingming Dynasty, he suffered a hardship from the ruler of Nanzhao County. The Dowager Madam is filial, righteous and kind, her virtue is as good as her mother's, she is respected by nine clans, and consults and respects six marriages. The king's gentleness, pure color, and nourishment are high, and his treasures, shame, clothes, and play are unparalleled in the world. In the middle of the Yanchang year, Yang Gong, the governor, was appointed to the throne to conduct the affairs of the county. ...In the first year of the Divine Turtle, Mrs. Ding was worried. ... In your old age, you ascended to a powerful official position and no longer had any relationship with the official. Therefore, you maintained good relations with your clan members and treated the elders in your hometown with courtesy. ...Di Yi, who became an official in the second year of Zhengguang's reign, became an official of the left and right and a doctor of the Shangshu. The two Jun brothers were very friendly in nature, and Chang Di's righteousness was very strong. They fell in love with each other, so they moved to Luo. In the fifth year of Zhengguang's reign, he was ordered to get rid of Taiwei's mansion and join the army.

It can be seen from the quotation that Li Shuyin passed away in the third year of Jingming Dynasty (502). After Li Bi was in mourning, he was not summoned by the governor until "in the middle of Yanchang year", when Yang Chunfang, the governor of Dingzhou, used his own person to conduct affairs in Zhao County. The epitaph of Yang Chun details the official history of the epitaph, which states that "in the third year of Yanchang, he moved to the Fujun general and the official minister, and in the first year of Xiping, he removed the governor of Dingzhou." It can be seen that the so-called "middle of Yanchang year" in Li Bi's epitaph refers to Yanchang. From the fourth year to the first year of Xiping, that is, the first year after Emperor Xiaoming came to the throne. Two years later, Cui Binyuan died in Dong'anli, Luoyang. At this time, Li Bi, who had become a powerful official (just turned 40), was still in Zhao County. Judging from the above situation, in the first year of Zhengshi (504), brothers Li Bi and Li Yi took their mother to Luoyang after mourning to seek opportunities to become officials.In the fourth year of Yanchang, Yang Chun, the former capital official and governor of Dingzhou, was about to take office, and Li Bi, who was in Luoyang, was selected as his assistant. Li Bi followed Yang Chun to Dingzhou, while Li Yi stayed in Luoyang to take care of his mother. Two years later, Li Yi escorted his mother's coffin back to his hometown. After serving three years of mourning, he immediately became an official. Li Bi rekindled his hope of becoming an official and went to Luoyang after receiving news that his younger brother had become an official. Li Bi's epitaph says "no return to officialdom". The truth is that no one cared about Ding You after he resigned.

'Bi Mei Shu Ling: The Individual Life History of Women in the Northern Dynasties', edited by Luo Xin, published by Peking University Press in June 2024, 356 pages, 72.00 yuan. In the long tradition of human biography, the biography of the subject is usually due to career achievem - Lujuba

Yang Chun’s epitaph

The research on the deeds of uncles and nephews Cui Mo, Cui Kai and Cui Julun is also very difficult. The author believes that Cui Julun was released from the army to join the army during the Zhengguang period. At this time, Cui Mo and Cui Kai were appointed again, and Cui Julun participated in the election with the qualification of being the husband (page 130). The author believes that Cui Julun may have been helped by Cui Kai's father-in-law Li Shao earlier. During the years of Xiping and Shengui, Li Shao served as the Minister of the Ministry of Civil Affairs. The original biography says that "Shao was unable to be honest and upright when choosing a Cao Cao. He was just tolerant and demoted by those who discussed it." Cui Mo was able to "restore his capital" in the Shengui. , except for champion generals and Zhongsan doctors", they should not be unrelated to Li Shao. According to Cui Binyuan's epitaph, in April of the second year of Shengui (519), Li Shao was still the Minister of the Ministry of Personnel. In February of the following year, he was appointed governor of Jizhou (according to Zhang Bian's epitaph), but he was still a general of the Chinese army. Cui Julun was appointed by Mo Cao of Jizhou Zhenbei Prefecture to join the army. If the head of the palace was Li Shao, his title as the Great General of Zhenbei was not recorded in historical records.

The following discusses the time of Cui Mo's death in battle. The author believes that Cui Kai died at the same time or earlier (autumn and winter of the second year of Xiaochang), specifically from after August of the second year of Xiaochang to the beginning of the third year of Xiaochang (page 136). In order to verify the time of Cui Mo's death in battle, it is necessary to sort out the appointment and removal process of Qizhou governors from Zhengguang to Xiaochang years. It should be confirmed from the narrative in the biography of "Book of Wei" that Cui Mo was still engaged in Qizhou affairs until his death in battle. At the end of the Northern Wei Dynasty, Qizhou might have fallen. Xing Qizhou's governor and Xing Qizhou's affairs were all frontline war commanders. They never stayed in Qizhou permanently and became the chief governor. If someone who was engaged in Qizhou affairs died in battle, Guanzhong Xingtai would select another general to replace the deceased, and he would be given the title of acting as governor of Qizhou and conducting Qizhou affairs. "Book of Wei Su Zong Ji" records that in November of the fifth year of Zhengguang, Mo Zhesheng captured Qizhou and took charge of the governor Yuan Zhi and the governor Pei Fenzhi. In the first month of the first year of Xiaochang (the Yuan Dynasty was not changed at this time), Xiao Baoyu and Cui Yanbo defeated the Qin thieves in Heishui and captured tens of thousands. Tiansheng retreated into Longxi, Jing, Qi and Xiping in Longdong. Cui Yanbo served as the governor of Qizhou for only these two months. Wu Tingxie's Chronology of Fangzhen in the Yuan and Wei dynasties mistakenly believed the records in "Book of Wei: Biography of Cui Yanbo" and thought that Cui Yanbo went to Qizhou to be governor before the autumn of the fifth year of Zhengguang. In fact, after Liu Daobin, the governor of Qizhou, died in the fourth year of Zhengguang's reign, his replacement should be Pei Fenzhi, the next chief governor. As for Yi Yusheng, he had already served as the governor of Qizhou when he died in battle. Wu Tingxie believed that he became the governor of Qizhou after Pei Fen's death, that is, he succeeded Cui Yanbo, which is not unreasonable. After the Battle of Blackwater, Cui Yanbo was designated as the governor of the West Road and served as the governor of Qizhou, and was succeeded by Yi Yusheng. In April of the sixth year of Zhengguang, Cui Yanbo died in battle, and it was Yi Yusheng who succeeded him as the governor of the West Road.

After regaining Qizhou, the imperial court began to appoint important ministers who did not need to lead troops to fight in various places as the chief governor of Qizhou. Yang Chun's epitaph states that the emperor removed the governor of Qizhou in the sixth year of Zhengguang, and removed Wei Weiqing in the first year of Xiaochang. The person who succeeded him was Wei Langen, who was appointed governor of Qizhou at the beginning of Xiaochang (see the second and third biographies of "Book of Northern Qi"). In the first month of the third year of Xiaochang, Wei Langen was captured and Qizhou fell again. After that, Cui Mo and Du Yong went to Qizhou. Since Wei Langen was not dead, they were not allowed to serve as governors of Qizhou. "Book of Wei" Volume 45 "The Biography of Du Yong" says: In the second year of Xiaochang, he was the military commander of the Western Expedition and was engaged in Qizhou affairs. Xiao Baoji rebelled against him in October of the third year of Xiaochang. At this time, Du Yong had already taken control of Qizhou. Wei Langen, who had been reinstated, had returned to the court and paid homage to Dr. Guanglu (in April of the third year of Xiaochang, Xiao Baoji's army regained strength and he was the governor of the west). , the people of Qizhou City again recommended Wei Langen as the governor, and was later recognized by the court). The so-called "second year of Xiaochang" in this biography is either the time when Du Yongchu was the military commander of the Western Expedition, or the third year of Xiaochang. Du Yong returned to the court and removed the governor of Dongjingzhou. Wu Taizhong was transferred to Qizhou Governor. After that, the Northern Wei Dynasty no longer had any governorship or affairs in Qizhou.Since the "Biography of Cui Mo" did not cover Xiao Baoqi's rebellion against Emperor Xiaozhuang, and Cui Mo was a famous general, he should be the one to quell the traitors after Wei Langen was executed. Therefore, Cui Mo should go to Qizhou before Du Yong, and he died in battle at the time , should be the spring of the third year of Xiaochang. There are some places in the

article that can be modified. On pages 93 and 109, the year of Cui Yi's death is changed to the 20th year of Taihe. On page 96, Li Zhan's epitaph has a strict structure and is highly valued by the calligraphy circle. It cannot be said that the shape is irregular and the writing is sloppy. On page 97, the epitaph of Li Zhongyin states that it is Li Zhongyin, not Li Xuanmao, who is "buried in Xigang, the boundary of this county." Page 104, when Cui Binyuan married into the Li family, it was at most five years before Li Can's death, not "more than six years." On page 105, the relationship between Li Xuanmao's wife and Xing Luan is unknown, so they cannot be called "Xing Luan's two sisters" together with Xing Senglan. The relationship between Xing Senglan and Xing Ru is also unknown. Note 3 It cannot be said that "only Xing Luan is the brother". Page 108 Note 1 When discussing the time of Cui Kai's death, we should refer to Volume 9 of "Book of Wei" "Su Zong Ji". On page 111, the sentence "Xiaoran alone" in Cui Binyuan's epitaph has nothing to do with whether the children are adults. Cui Julun's purpose of writing this paragraph is to highlight Cui Binyuan's upbringing "making the two sons famous", Cui Binyuan himself was able to "connect with Hua Zou's mother", so " There is no need to over-interpret it as "three women are alone". On page 112, "No more than ten years old" is changed to "No more than ten years old at most." Note 1 on page 126 discusses the number of groomsmen. "Taiping Yulan" Volume 815 "Bulububu 2" cites "Zhao Shu" to call Shi Le's groomsmen sixty sons of ministers. "Songshu" Volume 15 "Book of Rites 2" "It is also recorded that a minister selected twenty-four groomsmen for Emperor Xiaowu and Queen of Jin Dynasty. It can be seen that the number of groomsmen between the two Jin Dynasties was a multiple of six. Note 2 Gu Shihui should be the great-great-grandson of Gu Hun. In addition to Cui Julun, Gu Shihui, Yuan Xianzhen, and Yuan Hongjing mentioned by the author, the people who served as Emperor Xuanwu's groomsmen were also found in "Book of Northern Qi" and "History of Northern Qi". Among the three newly discovered epitaphs, Feng Xin and Changsun Hui (Xianye) can be found. Note 2 on page 127 should be quoted from "The Biography of Cui Kai" and should not be called "the same book". On page 129, "less than a month" can be changed to "only ten days" after Emperor Xuanwu was buried. On page 130, the Zhengguang period corresponds to AD 520-525. Note 2 on page 132: Cui Qian died in the fourth year of Tianhe (569). According to the original legend of "Northern History", Xiao Changchu was already Zuo Lang. The main text states that Cui Shiyuan's appointment "is still the governor of Fangcheng", which is also incorrect. The "fake general who conquered the captives and the governor of Fangcheng" found in the original biography of "Book of Wei" should be Cui Shiyuan's appointment with his father, and he has not been promoted to a regular official. The Kai epitaph says that Cui Shiyuan "finally joined the army in Pingzhou." On page 144, "Li Xian guarded Pengcheng as the governor of Yangzhou", and Pengcheng was changed to Shouchun. Note 3 on page 149. The author speculates that Cui Xiaofen resigned as governor of Xiyanzhou in order to take care of Cui Julun. This theory is inconsistent with the original biography of "Book of Wei" that Cui Xiaofen was "tired of foreign service for a long time" and cannot be proven or falsified. On page 150, the author claims that there were no more adult males in the Cui family in Luoyang when Cui Julun died, but at this time both Cui Qian and Cui Shuo had already entered the official ranks and had not yet followed He Basheng to Jingzhou, not to mention that Cui Mo still had a son, Cui Shihu. It is also stated below that Cui Ziwu’s maternal grandmother Xing is still alive, and relevant materials must be cited to prove this.

5. Sengzhi

The original title of this article is "Explanation of the Epitaph of Sengzhi in the Northern Wei Dynasty", published in the 13th volume of "Peking University History" (Peking University Press, 2008). When included in this book, it was comprehensively conducted by Zhang Yuning, a doctoral candidate in the Department of History of Peking University. Revision. In the first section of the article, it is difficult to verify the historical events related to Hu Guozhen's family, but the author peels off the details and reaches a convincing conclusion. The epitaph of Hu Guobao quoted in this section only came to light in the year the original article was published. It was the new material that Zhang Yuning added when revising the article, which is helpful in discussing the posthumous gifts of members of the Hu family. Hu Kang’s epitaph can also be quoted here. Hu Kang's epitaph is included in the second volume of "The Essence of Epitaphs of the Northern Dynasties" "Northern Wei Volume 6" (Shanghai Calligraphy and Painting Publishing House, 2022). The owner of the epitaph is the elder brother of the Empress Dowager Hu. Zhiwen said that he died in Chongrenli, Luoyang, and was buried in the mausoleum of Congbo Taishang Qin Gong (i.e. Hu Guozhen) on October 9, the first year of Shengui (518), about one month earlier than Hu Guobao was buried. Neither the epitaph of Hu Kang nor the epitaph of Hu Guobao records the official title and the year of his death, so they can be used as reference for each other.The second section of the

article focuses on the emphasis that court Buddhism in the Northern Wei Dynasty placed on righteousness. It quotes the "Seng Yuan Zhuan" in "The Biography of Eminent Monks" to explain that the monk Daodeng was "good at Nirvana and the Lotus" (page 168). "The Continuing Biography of Eminent Monks" also contains the "Biography of Shi Daodeng of Baode Temple in Weihengzhou". Although the narrative of this biography contains many errors, it is still certain that the author of the biography is the same person as Dao Deng of "Seng Yuan Biography". "The Biography of Daodeng" mentioned that Daodeng studied the three sutras "Nirvana", "Lotus" and "Shengzhi" under Monk Yao before following Seng Yuan. It can be seen that Dao Deng studied the same classics as Seng Zhi. According to the "Biography of Daodeng", we can know that Daodeng and Tandu both received "Chengshi Lun" from Sengyuan's sect, and were invited to the Northern Wei Dynasty together. This biography can supplement the author's discussion (see note 1 on page 175 ). The second section of the

article also discusses the death of Emperor Xuanwu and Empress Gaoying. The author believes that Queen Mother Hu asked Gao Ying to "leave Yaoguang Temple to a place where her identity as Queen Mother can be revealed" before carrying out the assassination in response to the astronomical changes (note 1 on page 182), and that Gaoying was buried with nun rites "probably indicating that she became a monk" Being a nun means that she no longer has the status of concubine in the system" (page 185). However, Gao Ying was not deposed until her death and was still called Empress Dowager Chongxian, Empress Dowager Gao or Empress Dowager Gaoni. In fact, Yaoguang Temple protected Gao Ying. Empress Dowager Hu did not want to commit murder in the temple, so she killed Gao Ying while she was away visiting her mother. According to "Wei Shu·Celestial Phenomenon", Shi Chen believed that the astronomical change corresponding to Gao Ying's death occurred in the leap tenth month of the fourth year of Yanchang (515). It is really intriguing that Empress Dowager Hu had to wait until three years to kill Gao Ying.

Since the epitaph of Sengzhi mentions Wang Su’s wife Xie, it is inevitable to refer to the article "Princess Chenliu". Therefore, although the article mentions Uncle Pei’s family attachment in the first month of the first year of Jingming, it still inherits the "Princess Chenliu" From this perspective, it is believed that Princess Wang Sushang happened in the first year of Jingming Dynasty. It is said below that Wang Su stayed in Luoyang for a short period of two or three months, which is not correct. In August of the first year of Jingming Dynasty, Wang Yuanxie of Pengcheng was conquered and returned to the court after defeating Chen Bozhi. Wang Yuanying of Zhongshan went to Yangzhou, and Wang Su was appointed as the governor of Yangzhou in the rear. Stayed in Luoyang for at least four months. Many parts of the text of

need to be modified. The "Sengzhi" in the title of the epitaph on page 151 is changed to "Shi Sengzhi". Page 157 When Sengzhi turned twenty, it should be the second year of peace (461). The text on pages 159-160 cites "The Biography of Hu Guozhen" and should call it "History of the North" rather than "Book of Wei". Note 1 on page 160: "Zi Shuanchou" in the epitaph of Xi Zhi was changed to "Hongchou" in the epitaph of Xi Zhi, and "Jutianwang" and "Zhang Qiangang" in the epitaph of Gujing were changed to "Jutiangang" and "Zhang Qianwang". In the text on page 162, "Hu Baoguo has not been an official for a long time and is a virgin." Hu Baoguo should be changed to Hu Guobao. Note 1 "Wang Guobao" should also be corrected. Page 159 and page 162 quote the same material as "Edict to the Grandfather (Brother) Father and Elder Brother of Guozhen", so there should be some choice between them. Note 1 on page 164 "Douhuang" is changed to "燉huang". On page 168, the "Book of Wei" quotation has been deleted from the "History of Yaai Sutra" which has nothing to do with Buddhism. On page 172, "the fourth year of Jingming (504)" was changed to "the fourth year of Jingming (503)". The person who wrote the letter was Yu Jin instead of Yu Lie. Note 4 on page 177: There is no doubt that Zi Nei Temple is not "Purple Nei Temple". On page 179, it cannot be determined that Wang Puxian entered the palace in the first year of Zhengshi. Note 7 on the same page is "Chenghua Shifu". "Book of Wei" refers to Chenghua Shifu, so we should follow it. Qian Daxin's "Twenty-Two Histories" It has been pointed out that "concubines and concubines all have special names, and historians cannot list them all." The "He Qing Ling" of the Northern Qi Dynasty recorded in the "Biography of the Concubines" in Volume 13 of "Northern History" records the third concubine, the ninth concubine, and the twenty-first concubine. The honorary name of the seventh wife and the eighty-one royal daughter. The title of Note 1 on page 182, "The Biography of Empress Xuanwu Gao", Note 3 on page 184 and Note 3 on page 186, "Compilation of Epitaphs of the Han, Wei, Southern and Northern Dynasties" need to be corrected.

6. Yuan Jicong

The subject of this article is a woman who was only 21 years old when she died. It is not easy for her epitaph to survive to this day, making her life known to the world. As the granddaughter of Emperor Xiaowen and the daughter of Yuanyi, Prince of Qinghe, an important minister of the Xiaoming Emperor, Yuan Jicong was considered a high achiever in the marriage market, and was naturally not what the author calls an "ordinary clan daughter" (page 194). Although the size of her epitaph is not huge, it is well-made. The preface and inscription totaling more than 400 words are already a masterpiece in Yuan Jicong's short life.Due to the scarcity of historical materials about Yuan Jicong himself, researchers have to discuss his kinship relationships, otherwise there will be no writing. Therefore, the first section of this article focuses on examining the lives of Yuan Yi and his children. In addition to the children of Yuan Yi mentioned in the article, "Northern History" Volume 5 "Wei Benji 5" records that Princess Ande, the younger sister of Emperor Xiaowu Yuanxiu, was the daughter of Yuan Yi, and Yuan Xiu and Yuan Jicong were born in the same year, so we know that Princess Ande was Yuan Jicong's sister. He is not found in the list of family members attached to Yuansi's epitaph, and the reason remains to be determined.

Yuan Yi’s experience in the Xiaoming Dynasty is the focus of the article. The author mistakenly believed in the record of Chongjue Temple in "Chengxi" in Volume 4 of "Luoyang Jialan Ji" and actually said that Yuan Yi, Yuan Huai and Yuan Yong jointly assisted the government after receiving the imperial edict (page 199). According to the "Biography of the Six Kings of Xiaowen" in Volume 19 of "Northern History", Emperor Xuanwu's brothers were imprisoned in Hualin Villa until the death of Emperor Xuanwu on the 13th of the first month of the fourth year of Yanchang (515). Two days later, Yuan Huai wanted to go to the Taiji Hall to cry and meet the new emperor, but Cui Guang stopped him (Book of Wei, Volume 67, "Cui Guang Biography"). How could he accept the imperial edict to assist the government? Moreover, the next day Yu Zhong, Cui Guang and others decided to let all officials take orders from Yuan Yong and Yuan Cheng. It took nearly a month before the so-called three kings assisted the government (Book of Wei, Volume 9, "Su Zong Ji"). The following quote from "Northern History·Hu Guozhen's Biography" states that in October of the same year, Hu Guozhen was appointed as the Supervisor of the Zhongshu, and he lived under the family together with Yuan Yong, Yuan Yi, and Yuan Huai. The later text also said that "with Yuan Yong being dismissed, Hu Guozhen, Yuan Huai, and Yuan Huai Cheng and other court officials died one after another, and the relationship between Yuan Yi and Yuan Cha became increasingly tense” (page 201), which is also uncertain. Yuan Huai died earlier than Hu Guozhen. Yu Zhong was responsible for Yu Zhong's dismissal. It happened in August of the fourth year of Yanchang. In December, Yuan Yong was reinstated as Taishi. It was not until August of the second year of Xiping (517) that he was able to live under his family. , Hu Guozhen was already a Situ at that time, and Yuan Huai had passed away. When the relationship between Yuan Yi and Yuan Cha was tense, Yongzheng of the Yuan Dynasty was in a high position, so the original biography of "Book of Wei" states that "with the death of King Yi of Qinghe, Yuan Cha became dictatorial, and the great responsibility of the world fell on Yan". When

discusses the deeds of Yuan Ji and Yuan Cha's father and son, the article states that "During the Xiaowen and Xuanwu dynasties, Yuan Ji led troops and never participated in central affairs" (page 199), which is incorrect. According to the original biography of "Book of Wei", Yuan Ji led the army in Jianzhong during the Xiaowen Dynasty and stayed in Luojing. In the Xuanwu Dynasty, he also served as Duzhi Shangshu. It is further said below that Yuanji was impeached and removed from office, "which shows that he is not good at managing politics." The original biography of "Book of Wei" records that Yuan Ji was exonerated. Even if Yuan Ji did break the law, it does not mean that he was not good at governing. Similar misinterpretation of historical data can still be seen below. The author actually thought that Liu Fang's so-called "unsuitable age" refers to Yuan Xun being unworthy of his daughter (rather than the other way around). He also said that Yuan Xun "even if he is the crown prince of the East Palace, he is not good enough." It is difficult to get Liu Fang's approval" (page 210). If this is true, how could Emperor Xiaowen "sigh on Liu Fang's modesty" after she refused to intermarry? The later article discusses Yuan Si's murder in Heyin, saying that "Yuan Si has been promoted to the title of Changshan King, and he is also prominently listed at this time." Yuan Si was killed not because of the king of Changshan, but because he was the general of Wei and Yin of Henan, and he had to be there to welcome the emperor. Er Zhurong's murder of hundreds of officials was not a sudden murderous intention, but a premeditated plan. Later, it is said that Er Zhurong was killed by "Yuan Xin's hand-killed enemy" (page 223), which is also incorrect. According to the original biography of "Book of Wei", Yuan Xinzhi just wrote a letter to express his determination. The main contributors who were actually present to help Emperor Xiaozhuang kill Er Zhurong and Yuan Tianmu were Li Kanxi, Lu An and others.

Yuan Jicong’s husband Li Ting is the key figure in this article. When calculating Li Ting's age, the author mistakenly used the AD year corresponding to the third year of Wu Ding (545) as the year of Li Ting's death (actually it should be 541, an improvisation of three years), which resulted in Li Ting being forced to postpone his birth by four years. And trigger the butterfly effect. In fact, Li Ting's birth year should be the second year of Taihe (478), and he was nine years older than Yuan Yi (page 208). Yuan Xun was born in the seventh year of Taihe, five years younger than Li Ting (page 210), and Li Yuanhua was also five years younger than Li Ting (note 2 on page 214, text on page 220). Li Ting was thirty years old when he married Concubine Liu You (page 211), he was fifty-one when Emperor Xiaozhuang was first established, and he was fifty-two when he was appointed minister (page 221). In addition, since the author miscalculated Yuan Yi's birth year, the so-called "Yuan Ke is three years older than Yuan Yi" (page 211) cannot be established, let alone Yuan Ke recorded on the Later Wei Yushe Stele collected in "Jinshilu" The year of birth is different from that in "Book of Wei".According to the Yushe Stele, Yuan Ke was born in the 10th year of Taihe, the same year as Yuan Yu, King of Jingzhao, and one year older than Yuan Yi.

When discussing the marriage between Li Ting and Yuan Jicong, the author spent his time imagining Yuan Jicong's mentality and the comparison between marriage and officialdom, but failed to delve into the reasons for Li Ting's marriage to Yuan Jicong. Li Ting's previous wife, Yuan Amiao, has passed away. Even if Yuan Jicong deliberately regards the "sisters who killed his father and his enemy" as his enemies, it will not affect Li Ting's image. The so-called "Longxi Li family's official wife" is no more lacking than Yuan Jicong. Cong’s previous title as the head wife of the Lu family in Fan Yang was more attractive, and the marriage between Li Ting and Yuan Jicong was not based on cultural identity (page 217). As the sister of Yuan Dan, Prince of Qinghe, Yuan Jicong was not a high-profile candidate at all to marry Li Ting. The author overemphasized that Yuan Jicong faced the shortage of principal wives of the Li family in Longxi, which made her completely vulnerable in this marriage. In fact, Yuan Jicong's family background is not inferior to that of Li Ting's first two wives. What attracted Yuan Jicong's family was Li Ting's status and popularity as a relative, not the label of the Li family in Longxi.

's article finally discusses Yuan Jicong's death. The author only relies on Yuan Jicong's identity as the imperial aunt, the number of silks recorded in the epitaph, and "the funeral was under the guardianship of the envoy", and claims that the funeral ceremony of Yuan Jicong was better than that of Li Ting (page 227). In fact, Yuan Jicong's funeral was a nephew's funeral. Since Li Ting received so many gifts, it is difficult to say that Yuan Jicong's funeral was more honorable. The above article says, "The Book of Wei states that Li Ting raised Li Yandu's third son, Li Ronger, as his concubine, but it is not recorded in the Northern History or the epitaph, so we don't know whether it is true or not." Publishing House, 2016) The author of the epitaph of Li Siyue, collected in the second year of Heqing Dynasty (563) in the Northern Qi Dynasty. Li Siyue was not raised by Li Ting, but adopted after Li Ting's death. The person who presided over the funeral of Li Ting and his wife was probably Li Siyue's biological father Li Yandu. He was the only Li Bao family in Longxi found in historical biographies. A living person of the same generation as Li Ting.

'Bi Mei Shu Ling: The Individual Life History of Women in the Northern Dynasties', edited by Luo Xin, published by Peking University Press in June 2024, 356 pages, 72.00 yuan. In the long tradition of human biography, the biography of the subject is usually due to career achievem - Lujuba

Li Siyue’s epitaph

Many places in the text need to be modified. The title of the book cited in note 2 on page 195 should be "Study on the Prime Minister System in the Han, Wei, Jin, Southern and Northern Dynasties". On page 196, the birth year of Yuan Yi was changed to the eleventh year of Taihe (487). On page 199, "Tongli Shuzheng" does not need to be written as "Tongli Shuzheng". Note 2 can be quoted from this chronicle, and there is no need to quote "The Biography of Zhang Puhui". In addition, the epitaphs of Yuan Ji and Yuan Cha's father and son also stated that the epitaph was the great-great-grandson of Emperor Daowu. Regarding the identification of Yuanji's family with their original family, people today do not need to forcefully distinguish between Yuanji and Yuancha's descendants of Emperor Daowu. On page 206, Yuan Dan attacked the king of Qinghe in August of the fourth year of Zhengguang and recovered Yuan Yi as the king of Qinghe. Page 208 Note 1 "Postscript to Li Ting's Epitaph" should be cited from "Collection and Interpretation of Epitaphs from Han, Wei, Southern and Northern Dynasties", "Yi Yu Za Kao" should be changed to "Yi Yu Cong Kao", and "Duanwu" should be changed to "Diaobiao". Pages 210-211, Yuan Xun was deposed on Bingyin in December of the 20th year of Taihe (the 8th, which is 497 in the Gregorian calendar), and Yuan Ke was established as crown prince exactly one month later, which was the following year rather than the same year. . On page 211, the sentence "Ri Yan Wang Ti" in Yuan Yi's epitaph is interpreted. The author says that "two teenagers discussed academic mysteries all night long", and "all night" should be changed to "all day long"; below, "Yuan Ke and Yuan Xun" was changed to "Yuan Ke and Yuan Yi", and the birth year of Yuan Cha was changed to the tenth year of Taihe (486). Note 1 on page 213 changed the character "罴" to simplified Chinese, the first year of Wutai was changed to the first year of Yong'an, and "Ji Zhuang" was changed to "Ji Xiaozhuang" (same as note 1 on page 223). On page 214, "Li Ting's niece" is changed to "Li Ting's niece". Note 2 There is no need to discuss the relationship between Li Changfei, Li Yuanhua and Li Ting (the Zheng family is Li Ting's niece anyway), Zheng Yi changed For Zheng Xi, note 4 should be quoted from the "Biography of Yuan Xiaoyou" in Volume 16 of "Northern History". "Hundred officials have no concubines" reflects the situation from the Northern Wei Dynasty to the Eastern Wei Dynasty. Page 218, "Five days later, Gai Yuan Jian Yi" should be read as "One day later, Gai Yuan Jian Yi". Note 3 cites many similar books with errors and is not sufficient evidence. Note 4 cites "Wei Lue" should be based on Pei's note in "Three Kingdoms" . On page 219, "Attendance to the Three Palaces" needs to be explained straightforwardly. It was Empress Dowager Hu who demoted officials, not his sister, and Gao Yue was Gao Huan's younger brother, not his clan brother. Note 4 "The Biography of Liu Siyi" was changed to "The Biography of the Eunuch". On page 220, "Twenty-two years old at this time" is changed to "Twenty-two years old when he was supported." Note 4 quotes "The Biography of Li Yan" and should change Li Yan in the text to Li Yiyong. This biography and "The Biography of Li Jikai" are both "Book of Wei" should be cited. Note 3 on page 221 should be quoted from "Book of Wei". Page 223 Note 2: The line break is deleted from the epitaph of Yuan Jicong. Note 5: No need to quote "Northern History".On page 224, the fifth year after Yuan Jicong's death was changed to the fourth year. Note 2 The accession to the throne at the age of five was changed to the accession at the age of six. Yuan Ziyou was 22 years old and Yuan Gong was 34 years old. On page 225, whether Xian can be mentioned is changed to whether Xian can be replaced. On page 226 of Yuan Jicong's epitaph, "Huan Pei" is changed to "Huan Pei", and "Model" is changed to "Mo Kai". On page 227, "Yu Huangxu" is changed to "Yu Huangxu" (Yu Duruwu), and "Chen Zhong" is changed to Chen Zhong.

7. Princess Changshan

"The Miscellaneous Deeds of Princess Changshan" was previously included in "Rebels Who Did Nothing" (Shanghai Joint Publishing, 2019). This article and "Princess Chenliu" focus on the sisters of Emperor Xiaowen. The third section of the article is titled "Princess Changshan and Lu Zizhang". "Lu Zizhang" should be changed to Lu Zizhang. This man is the husband of Princess Changshan, and his deeds are fully discussed in the article. Lu Zizhang's attack on the Duke was blocked, and he attacked Duke Dongjun in Zhengguangzhong (520-525) (page 239). The author believes that it was the result of Princess Changshan asking the Empress Dowager Hu for help. However, the Empress Dowager Hu was not in power during the Zhengguang period, unless something happened during the Zhengguang period. Before the year was changed to the Yuan Dynasty, or during the two months between Empress Dowager Hu's rebellion in the sixth year of Zhengguang and the change of Yuan Dynasty to Xiaochang, otherwise Lu Zizhang's attack on the title was not due to the will of Empress Dowager Hu. In this discussion, it is said that "Emperor Xiaoming's Shenguichu period (518) was the time when Empress Dowager Hu began to control the government as the Queen Mother." This is not true. In September of the fourth year of Yanchang, Empress Dowager Hu came to the court, and it has been three years since then. When "beginning" is deleted, the following text about Gaoyang Wang Yuanyong's official visit to the prime minister is not when Empress Dowager Hu came to power (page 240). The relationship between Lu Zizhang and Yuan Cha, the powerful person in Zhengguang, seems to be an issue that needs further study.

Since Princess Changshan was adopted by Prince Yuan Xie of Pengcheng, Yuan Xie’s family is also the focus of the article. The article states that "it is known that Yuan Xie had two more children, namely the eldest son Yuan Zizhi and his daughter Princess Ningling" (page 243). According to the "Biography of Ku Li" in Volume 87 of "Northern History", Yuan Xie also had a daughter. Married to Cui Zan of Qinghe, and was named the eldest princess of Xiangcheng in the Xiaozhuang Dynasty. Li Yuanhua's two biological daughters mentioned in the epitaph of Li Yuanhua, the concubine of Yuan Xie, Yuan Chuhua (falsified as Yuan Juli in "Luoyang Jialan Ji") and Yuan Jiyao were respectively named Shouyang Princess and Fengting (Chang Princess) during the Xiaozhuang Emperor. ) princess, so it is certain that the eldest princess of Xiangcheng is the daughter of a concubine of Yuan Xie. When discussing the titles of Princess Ningling and Yuan Zizhi, the author believes that the title of Princess Ningling "was probably given by Emperor Xuanwu after he killed Yuan Xie, because the epitaph of Yuan Zizhi records that he was the founder of Zhending County after Yuan Xie's death. Obtained", and the county owner and village owner of Li Yuanhua's biological daughter were both granted by the Empress Dowager Hu during the period of Emperor Xiaoming (page 243). This is not true. The epitaph of Yuan Zizhi did not clearly state the time when he was granted the title, but the "Biography of King Pengcheng" in Volume 21 of "Book of Wei" clearly records that the Empress Dowager Hu issued an edict to make the third son of Yuan Xie a county official, so Yuan Zizhi granted the title of Zhending County to the founding of the country. Duke, Yuanzi You was granted the title of Founding Duke of Wucheng County, and Yuanzi was directly granted the title of Founding Duke of Bacheng County. This is because after Yuan Xie's death, no one was granted the title except Yuan Shao who took the title. The titles of Yuan Xie's other children were all in the Xiping period. (516-518) (according to the epitaph of Yuan Zizheng). It can be further inferred that the existing epitaph of Princess Ningling was not produced earlier than the Xiping year. The

article finally discussed the death time of Lu Xun and Princess Lantian. It said that "Lu Xun's mother, Princess Lantian, died in the early Tianbao year of Emperor Wenxuan of the Northern Qi Dynasty (probably around 553)." It was also said that Lu Xun's death was only about one year after the death of Princess Lantian. Two years (pp. 250-251). According to the "Inscriptions and Inscriptions of Qinzhou Governor Lu Yao" written by Li Delin in Volume 459 of "Wen Guan Ci Lin", it can be seen that Princess Lantian died in the seventh year of Tianbao (556). According to the "Biography of Li Delin" in Volume 42 of "Book of Sui" ", when Li Delin wrote "Rang Shangshu Lingbiao" for Yang Min, Lu Xun was still alive, and it was already May of the ninth year of Tianbao. If, as the author says, the marriage between Lu Zizhang and Princess Lantian occurred after adoption, then Lu Xun would not have been born earlier than the second year of Yanchang. He was forty-eight years old and lived at least until the first year of Qianming in the Northern Qi Dynasty (560). The

article could use several textual changes. On page 241, "feeling grateful" should be read as "generous and grateful". On page 242, the word "do" in the lyrics of "Gongren" is changed to "zuo", and "step" is changed to "tao". On page 247, "Lu Zizhang had two elder brothers and a younger brother, and they all died in Heyin." The younger brother should be changed to uncle.Page 248 states that Lu Shilian and Lu Xizhi occupied Jianzhou to stop Er Zhu Shilong and were killed after the city was broken, but only Lu Shilian was killed. It can be changed to "Lu Shilian was killed after the city was broken."

8. Yuan Yueji

This article was originally published in the 2008 Issue 2 of "Literature and History". The article combs the history of the Yuan family in Chenjun and mistakenly believes that the "Yuanhe Surname Compilation" splices the lineages of the Yuan family in Runan and the Yuan family in Chenjun, which leads to an underestimation of the status of the Yuan family in Chenjun during the Eastern Jin Dynasty. The article states that "Compared with the fourth and fifth princes of the Yuan family in Chen County during the Eastern Han Dynasty, Yuan Yu and Yuan You were not prominent in the Eastern Jin Dynasty. By the Liu Song Dynasty, the Yuan family began to occupy an important position" (page 257), In fact, the Yuan family of Chen County had completed the accumulation of power during the Eastern Jin Dynasty. Regardless of the fact that Yuan Zhen, whose kinship is unknown, was appointed governor of Yuzhou, in the early years of the Eastern Jin Dynasty, Yuan Dan, the sixth ancestor of Yuan Yueji, had married sister Xie Ancong from the same county, and his sister married Yin Hao and Xie Shang, who were also on good terms with Huan Wen. Therefore, his grandson Yuan Zhan had to marry Xie Xuannv and became Huan Xuan and Huan Xiu's assistant. Later, Yuan Zhan assisted Liu Yu and rose to the position of Shangshu Youpuse and Taiwei. His daughter married Liu Yilong, who would become the emperor in the future. Only then did Yuan Zhan's children "occupy important positions" in the Liu Song Dynasty. Yuan Zhan was a key figure in the rise of the Yuan family in Chenjun, and in the Tang Dynasty, he was one of the four high-ranking families with overseas surnames alongside the Wang family of Langye, the Xie family of Chenjun, and the Xiao family of Lanling. The author only examined Yuan Bao, who was the direct ancestor of Yuan Yueji, but ignored that Yuan Bao's brother Yuan Zhan had reached Tongxian in the late Eastern Jin Dynasty. The discussion of Yuan Bao's deeds in this paragraph is also wrong. Yuan Bao died in the ninth year of Yixi in the Eastern Jin Dynasty (413). His participation in the conquest of Bashu was not during the Yuanjia period of the Liu Song Dynasty, but Zhu Lingshi's expedition in the eighth to ninth years of Yixi. The battle of Qiao Zong.

The following discusses Yuan Yi's deeds. "In the struggle between Liu Yu and Liu Ziye, Yuan Yi did not support Liu Yu" (page 258). This statement seems to be modified. Liu Yu and a group of people conspired to assassinate Liu Ziye, but Yuan Yi never made a choice between the two. Yuan Yi's defeat was not "a major blow to the Yuan family" (page 259), but a blow to Yuan Yi's family, and Yuan Can became an important minister in the Ming Dynasty. After Yuan Yi and Yuan Can were defeated one after another, the Yuan family almost withered away, and Yuan Tuo's descendants were unknown. Yuan Yueji's father, Yuan Ang, was reused by Emperor Wu of Liang, and the Yuan family in Chen County was revitalized. The third section of the

article focuses on Wang Lin's deeds. It is said that Wang Lin married a daughter of the Cai family and had close relationships with Yuan Mi, Yuan Shi and others, and "gained the support of the high officials at that time to a certain extent" (page 264). Regardless of the role of the high clan after Hou Jing's rebellion, Yuan Mi no longer had military power when he surrendered to Wang Lin. Yuan Shi was a scholar, and his existence was not helpful to Wang Lin. Moreover, Yuan Yueji's nephews Yuan Shu and Yuan Xian were important ministers of the Southern Chen Dynasty, and Cai Yanshen's nephew Cai Ning is also an official, and Wang Lin cannot even get the support of Yuan and Cai, let alone other high-ranking families. This paragraph also says that the forces supporting Wang Lin reached as far south as Gaozhou, which is also incorrect. The power of Gaozhou referred to by the author is Jiji, the governor of Gaozhou, but Jiji was entrenched in the Xuancheng area and was known as the "Xuancheng Robbery Commander" in history. Zhao Shaozu of the Qing Dynasty's "Tongjian Zhushang" pointed out that he could not serve as the governor of Gaozhou at that time. It is suspected that Nan Chen gave him the false title of "Xuanzhou Governor" in order to recruit Ji Ji. Later historians thought that Xuanzhou did not exist at that time, so they changed it to Gaozhou. There are some errors in the

article that need to be corrected. In the epitaph of Yuan Yueji on page 254, "the disease is the disease" should be changed to "the disease is the disease". On the page 255, the "surname" should be changed to the surname. On the page 257, the prince Zuowei commander should be changed to the prince Zuowei lead. Page 264 The passage cited in page notes 1 and 2 should be "Book of Zhou" Volume 2 "The Second Chronicle of Emperor Wen".

9. Aunt Yuanqu

The original title of "Recovering the Story Lost in the Dust" is "Silent Epitaph, Rolling Torrent", published in "The Paper·Private History" (June 17, 2017). This article and "Cui Julun" are both the result of teachers and students from Peking University assisting in compiling the "Epitaphs of the Northern Dynasties in the Moxiang Pavilion". The article shows a strong concern for the fate of women in the previous dynasty's clan, which better reflects the theme of the book. It is touching to read. This article is short and concise, focusing on the historical information preserved in Aunt Yuanqu's epitaph and historical biographies. Unfortunately, there are not enough historical stone carvings cited in the article. When discussing Aunt Yuanqu's life after the fall of the Northern Qi Dynasty, we should at least quote the epitaph of her son Duan Ji (i.e. Duan Dekan), because Duan Dekan was Aunt Yuanqu's main figure after she entered the Sui Dynasty. The caregiver and the person who died.To discuss Empress Dowager Lou's protection of Aunt Yuanqu, one can cite the epitaph of Duan Rong's wife Lou Xinxiang. Lou Xinxiang was Empress Dowager Lou's sister, and Duan Shao was Empress Dowager Lou's nephew. It was based on this relationship that Empress Dowager Lou had enough Reason to protect Aunt Yuanqu.

'Bi Mei Shu Ling: The Individual Life History of Women in the Northern Dynasties', edited by Luo Xin, published by Peking University Press in June 2024, 356 pages, 72.00 yuan. In the long tradition of human biography, the biography of the subject is usually due to career achievem - Lujuba

The article on Duan Ji’s epitaph

contains some deviations in the understanding of historical data. The first, second, third, and fourth words in the epitaph inscription of Aunt Yuanqu are marks for changing rhyme in different sections. Their function is to mark the completion of the above text rather than to introduce the following. Therefore, they should be enclosed in brackets rather than added after them. colon. The sentence "Crown in the Second Capital, Yu Yi Generation" in the preface to the epitaph refers to the son of Yuan Qu's aunt who became an outstanding figure because of his mother's good teaching. It does not describe Aunt Yuan Qu herself (page 281). "Er Capital" is either an allusion or an allusion. It actually refers to the two capitals of the Northern Qi Dynasty, and has nothing to do with Duan Shao's descendants receiving official titles in the Zhou and Sui Dynasties (page 282). In addition, there are some typos in the article that need to be corrected. On page 272, "anger comes from the heart" should be changed to "anger starts from the heart." On page 275, the epitaph inscription "Bushan is full of dangers" should be changed according to the high-definition picture of the epitaph attached to the article. Because "the hills are dangerous", "Duan Deye" on page 281 should be changed to Duan Deju.

10. Sister Lu Lan

The article "Participating in Business and Eternal Separation" is a new work after 2020. This article is carefully researched and well detailed. It involves an interesting question, that is, for which new emperor Yuan Jingzhe and Taiwei served as imperial seals. The author lists three possible candidates, namely Wang Yuanlang, the deposed emperor of the Northern Wei Dynasty and An Ding, Yuan Xiu, the emperor Xiaowu, and Yuan Shanjian, the emperor Xiaojing of the Eastern Wei Dynasty, but does not make a choice (page 307). The author believes that Gao Huan made Yuan Lang, the governor of Bohai, the emperor in a hurry. Although Yuan Jingzhe was Yuan Lang's brother, judging from the official history, Yuan Jingzhe was not in Jizhou at that time (page 305), but in a distant place. Even if he wanted to follow his younger brother and Gao Huan in Sizhou or Luoyang, it would be too late to set off.

Regarding the relationship between Yuan Jingzhe and Gao Huan, the author believes that "Yuan Jingzhe's family was not implicated when Yuan Long was deposed" because Empress Xiaozhuang Dierzhu, who was highly respected by Gao Huan, was the daughter of Yuan Jingzhe's aunt (pp. 307-308). Regardless of the closeness between the two, in fact Yuen Long was deposed without any crime, and it was nominally an abdication. In the future, "Wang Lang of An Ding and Wang Ye of Donghai died while sitting down" (see Volume 1 of "Book of Wei", "Records of the Abolition of the Three Emperors"), which were only hidden executions for the two deposed emperors themselves, and did not bring harm to their families. Prior to this, Yuan Ye was deposed, and although his brother Yuansu, Wang Yuansu of Lu County, was withdrawn from his appointment as governor of Qingzhou, he still retained the position of Grand Master and was not in danger of his life. He lived until the year after Yuan Ye was killed. The former deposed emperor Yuan Gong was killed, and his brother Wang Yuanxin of Huaiyang was promoted from Taifu to Taishi, and was renamed Pei County Prince, and later regained the title of Guangling Prince. It can be seen that Yuan Jingzhe, instead of being implicated after Yuen Long's abdication, received formal preferential treatment. His attendant, General Chariot, and Dr. Zuo Guanglu may have been obtained after Yuen Long was deposed. Later, Yuan Jingzhe chose to stay in the Eastern Wei Dynasty not because of his kinship with Queen Erzhu, but because he blamed Yuan Xiu for the murder of Yuan Long. There is a small clerical error in the

article. Note 1 on page 288 "According to the epitaph, Yuan Xiuyi's name is Xiuyi, and his character is Shou'an" should be changed to "The name is Shou'an, and his character is Xiuyi." In addition, the author believes in the imperial records of "Book of Wei" and believes that breaking the Six Han Dynasties and raising troops to raise the mausoleum in March of the fifth year of Zhengguang (524) (page 300) is also worthy of reconsideration.

11. Princess Ruru

"Princess Ruru" was originally published in Wenjing, Issue 4, 2011, and was previously included in Luo Xin's "Wang Hua and Mountain Danger: Essays on Medieval Frontier Descendants" (Peking University Press, 2019). The title of the book "Bi Mei Shu Ling" comes from the inscription on Gao Huan's wife Lu's epitaph quoted in the article. The article focuses on when the Northern Wei Dynasty officials began to adopt the word "Ruru" and cites the key material Yang Bo's epitaph. The author claims that "Yang Bo's epitaph was written in the autumn of the first year of Xiping (516), Emperor Xiaoming's reign. This shows that the official use of the word Ruru in the Northern Wei Dynasty must have been before the autumn of the first year of Xiping" (page 325), but the burial recorded in Yang Bo's epitaph The disagreement between the day stems and the first year of Xiping has long attracted the attention of scholars such as Mao Yuanming. In fact, Yang Bo was buried on the same day as his sixth brother Yang Shu. His epitaph was written on September 2, the second year of Xiping. The year of burial was correct. However, the author of the preface to the epitaph inappropriately deleted Yang Bo's deeds and called the year of burial as "his year." ", resulting in misunderstanding. In addition, the inscriptions on the back of the stele on the southern tour of Emperor Wencheng of the Northern Wei Dynasty include Ruru Changyou and Ruru Mingyijin, which seems to be included in the discussion.

The married life of Gao Huan and Princess Ruru is also worthy of attention. The article states that Gao Huan returned to Jinyang in March of the third year of Wuding (545) and continued to be active in present-day Shanxi until his death (page 336). However, Volume 6 of "Northern History" "Qi Benji" clearly records that on the 10th day of the third year of Wuding Yue Gao Huan spoke in the dangerous places of You, An and Ding. City garrisons were built everywhere to prevent ridicules and squirming. "Everyone must be strict when walking in obedience." The Yi Ci Hui Stone Pillar also records "Shenwu Beishou in the fourth year of Wuding". Shen Zengzhi believed that Beishou was the city garrison built. (See "Hairilou Stele Inscriptions and Postscripts"), this statement can be believed. Gao Huan and Princess Ruru left Jinyang two months after their marriage to supervise the construction of the city garrison to defend Rouran. It is really an intriguing move. There are several text modifications in the

article. According to the general calculation, when Gao Huan married Princess Ruru, Lou was already forty-five years old, not forty-four (page 337). On page 340, Yubi City was changed to Yubi City, and the two "four months in a year" were changed to five months in a year and three months in a year. On page 345, the epitaph of Gao Zhan's wife and family is connected to the ground. The two variant characters in the sentence "Fang Heng is in the distant period, and it is difficult to grow old forever" should be recorded according to the literal meaning as "Fang enjoys the distant period, and it is difficult to grow old forever." Finally, the original name of An Luochen can be used, and it is not necessary to write it as An Luochen.

The above are the author’s personal opinions on the eleven stories in this book. Readers are welcome to criticize any inappropriateness. In fact, the original intention of "Bi Mei Shu Ling" was also to arouse readers' interest in the life history of women in the Northern Dynasties. Today, when retrieval of historical stone carvings is becoming increasingly convenient, if more readers can independently explore the stories of people of interest based on historical biographies and epitaph materials, it will be a great blessing for research on women’s life history and even individual life history. From this perspective, "Bimei Shuling" is a useful attempt in "public history".

On page 224, the fifth year after Yuan Jicong's death was changed to the fourth year. Note 2 The accession to the throne at the age of five was changed to the accession at the age of six. Yuan Ziyou was 22 years old and Yuan Gong was 34 years old. On page 225, whether Xian can be mentioned is changed to whether Xian can be replaced. On page 226 of Yuan Jicong's epitaph, "Huan Pei" is changed to "Huan Pei", and "Model" is changed to "Mo Kai". On page 227, "Yu Huangxu" is changed to "Yu Huangxu" (Yu Duruwu), and "Chen Zhong" is changed to Chen Zhong.

7. Princess Changshan

"The Miscellaneous Deeds of Princess Changshan" was previously included in "Rebels Who Did Nothing" (Shanghai Joint Publishing, 2019). This article and "Princess Chenliu" focus on the sisters of Emperor Xiaowen. The third section of the article is titled "Princess Changshan and Lu Zizhang". "Lu Zizhang" should be changed to Lu Zizhang. This man is the husband of Princess Changshan, and his deeds are fully discussed in the article. Lu Zizhang's attack on the Duke was blocked, and he attacked Duke Dongjun in Zhengguangzhong (520-525) (page 239). The author believes that it was the result of Princess Changshan asking the Empress Dowager Hu for help. However, the Empress Dowager Hu was not in power during the Zhengguang period, unless something happened during the Zhengguang period. Before the year was changed to the Yuan Dynasty, or during the two months between Empress Dowager Hu's rebellion in the sixth year of Zhengguang and the change of Yuan Dynasty to Xiaochang, otherwise Lu Zizhang's attack on the title was not due to the will of Empress Dowager Hu. In this discussion, it is said that "Emperor Xiaoming's Shenguichu period (518) was the time when Empress Dowager Hu began to control the government as the Queen Mother." This is not true. In September of the fourth year of Yanchang, Empress Dowager Hu came to the court, and it has been three years since then. When "beginning" is deleted, the following text about Gaoyang Wang Yuanyong's official visit to the prime minister is not when Empress Dowager Hu came to power (page 240). The relationship between Lu Zizhang and Yuan Cha, the powerful person in Zhengguang, seems to be an issue that needs further study.

Since Princess Changshan was adopted by Prince Yuan Xie of Pengcheng, Yuan Xie’s family is also the focus of the article. The article states that "it is known that Yuan Xie had two more children, namely the eldest son Yuan Zizhi and his daughter Princess Ningling" (page 243). According to the "Biography of Ku Li" in Volume 87 of "Northern History", Yuan Xie also had a daughter. Married to Cui Zan of Qinghe, and was named the eldest princess of Xiangcheng in the Xiaozhuang Dynasty. Li Yuanhua's two biological daughters mentioned in the epitaph of Li Yuanhua, the concubine of Yuan Xie, Yuan Chuhua (falsified as Yuan Juli in "Luoyang Jialan Ji") and Yuan Jiyao were respectively named Shouyang Princess and Fengting (Chang Princess) during the Xiaozhuang Emperor. ) princess, so it is certain that the eldest princess of Xiangcheng is the daughter of a concubine of Yuan Xie. When discussing the titles of Princess Ningling and Yuan Zizhi, the author believes that the title of Princess Ningling "was probably given by Emperor Xuanwu after he killed Yuan Xie, because the epitaph of Yuan Zizhi records that he was the founder of Zhending County after Yuan Xie's death. Obtained", and the county owner and village owner of Li Yuanhua's biological daughter were both granted by the Empress Dowager Hu during the period of Emperor Xiaoming (page 243). This is not true. The epitaph of Yuan Zizhi did not clearly state the time when he was granted the title, but the "Biography of King Pengcheng" in Volume 21 of "Book of Wei" clearly records that the Empress Dowager Hu issued an edict to make the third son of Yuan Xie a county official, so Yuan Zizhi granted the title of Zhending County to the founding of the country. Duke, Yuan Ziyou granted Wucheng County Founding Duke, Yuanzi directly granted the title of Founding Duke of Bacheng County. It was known that after Yuan Xie's death, no one except Yuan Shao would be granted the title. The titles of Yuan Xie's other children were all obtained during the Xiping period (516-518) (according to this Yuan Zizheng's epitaph). It can be further inferred that the existing epitaph of Princess Ningling was not produced earlier than the Xiping year. The

article finally discussed the death time of Lu Xun and Princess Lantian. It said that "Lu Xun's mother, Princess Lantian, died in the early Tianbao year of Emperor Wenxuan of the Northern Qi Dynasty (probably around 553)." It was also said that Lu Xun's death was only about one year after the death of Princess Lantian. Two years (pp. 250-251). According to the "Inscriptions and Inscriptions of Qinzhou Governor Lu Yao" written by Li Delin in Volume 459 of "Wen Guan Ci Lin", it can be seen that Princess Lantian died in the seventh year of Tianbao (556). According to the "Biography of Li Delin" in Volume 42 of "Book of Sui" ", when Li Delin wrote "Rang Shangshu Lingbiao" for Yang Min, Lu Xun was still alive, and it was already May of the ninth year of Tianbao. If, as the author says, the marriage between Lu Zizhang and Princess Lantian occurred after adoption, then Lu Xun would not have been born earlier than the second year of Yanchang. He was forty-eight years old and lived at least until the first year of Qianming in the Northern Qi Dynasty (560). The

article could use several textual changes. On page 241, "feeling grateful" should be read as "generous and grateful". On page 242, the word "do" in the lyrics of "Gongren" is changed to "zuo", and "step" is changed to "tao". On page 247, "Lu Zizhang had two elder brothers and a younger brother, and they all died in Heyin." The younger brother should be changed to uncle.Page 248 states that Lu Shilian and Lu Xizhi occupied Jianzhou to stop Er Zhu Shilong and were killed after the city was broken, but only Lu Shilian was killed. It can be changed to "Lu Shilian was killed after the city was broken."

8. Yuan Yueji

This article was originally published in the 2008 Issue 2 of "Literature and History". The article combs the history of the Yuan family in Chenjun and mistakenly believes that the "Yuanhe Surname Compilation" splices the lineages of the Yuan family in Runan and the Yuan family in Chenjun, which leads to an underestimation of the status of the Yuan family in Chenjun during the Eastern Jin Dynasty. The article states that "Compared with the fourth and fifth princes of the Yuan family in Chen County during the Eastern Han Dynasty, Yuan Yu and Yuan You were not prominent in the Eastern Jin Dynasty. By the Liu Song Dynasty, the Yuan family began to occupy an important position" (page 257), In fact, the Yuan family of Chen County had completed the accumulation of power during the Eastern Jin Dynasty. Regardless of the fact that Yuan Zhen, whose kinship is unknown, was appointed governor of Yuzhou, in the early years of the Eastern Jin Dynasty, Yuan Dan, the sixth ancestor of Yuan Yueji, had married sister Xie Ancong from the same county, and his sister married Yin Hao and Xie Shang, who were also on good terms with Huan Wen. Therefore, his grandson Yuan Zhan had to marry Xie Xuannv and became Huan Xuan and Huan Xiu's assistant. Later, Yuan Zhan assisted Liu Yu and rose to the position of Shangshu Youpuse and Taiwei. His daughter married Liu Yilong, who would become the emperor in the future. Only then did Yuan Zhan's children "occupy important positions" in the Liu Song Dynasty. Yuan Zhan was a key figure in the rise of the Yuan family in Chenjun, and in the Tang Dynasty, he was one of the four high-ranking families with overseas surnames alongside the Wang family of Langye, the Xie family of Chenjun, and the Xiao family of Lanling. The author only examined Yuan Bao, who was the direct ancestor of Yuan Yueji, but ignored that Yuan Bao's brother Yuan Zhan had reached Tongxian in the late Eastern Jin Dynasty. The discussion of Yuan Bao's deeds in this paragraph is also wrong. Yuan Bao died in the ninth year of Yixi in the Eastern Jin Dynasty (413). His participation in the conquest of Bashu was not during the Yuanjia period of the Liu Song Dynasty, but Zhu Lingshi's expedition in the eighth to ninth years of Yixi. The battle of Qiao Zong.

The following discusses Yuan Yi's deeds. "In the struggle between Liu Yu and Liu Ziye, Yuan Yi did not support Liu Yu" (page 258). This statement seems to be modified. Liu Yu and a group of people conspired to assassinate Liu Ziye, but Yuan Yi never made a choice between the two. Yuan Yi's defeat was not "a major blow to the Yuan family" (page 259), but a blow to Yuan Yi's family, and Yuan Can became an important minister in the Ming Dynasty. After Yuan Yi and Yuan Can were defeated one after another, the Yuan family almost withered away, and Yuan Tuo's descendants were unknown. Yuan Yueji's father, Yuan Ang, was reused by Emperor Wu of Liang, and the Yuan family in Chen County was revitalized. The third section of the

article focuses on Wang Lin's deeds. It is said that Wang Lin married a daughter of the Cai family and had close relationships with Yuan Mi, Yuan Shi and others, and "gained the support of the high officials at that time to a certain extent" (page 264). Regardless of the role of the high clan after Hou Jing's rebellion, Yuan Mi no longer had military power when he surrendered to Wang Lin. Yuan Shi was a scholar, and his existence was not helpful to Wang Lin. Moreover, Yuan Yueji's nephews Yuan Shu and Yuan Xian were important ministers of the Southern Chen Dynasty, and Cai Yanshen's nephew Cai Ning is also an official, and Wang Lin cannot even get the support of Yuan and Cai, let alone other high-ranking families. This paragraph also says that the forces supporting Wang Lin reached as far south as Gaozhou, which is also incorrect. The power of Gaozhou referred to by the author is Jiji, the governor of Gaozhou, but Jiji was entrenched in the Xuancheng area and was known as the "Xuancheng Robbery Commander" in history. Zhao Shaozu of the Qing Dynasty's "Tongjian Zhushang" pointed out that he could not serve as the governor of Gaozhou at that time. It is suspected that Nan Chen gave him the false title of "Xuanzhou Governor" in order to recruit Ji Ji. Later historians thought that Xuanzhou did not exist at that time, so they changed it to Gaozhou. There are some errors in the

article that need to be corrected. In the epitaph of Yuan Yueji on page 254, "the disease is the disease" should be changed to "the disease is the disease". On the page 255, the "surname" should be changed to the surname. On the page 257, the prince Zuowei commander should be changed to the prince Zuowei lead. Page 264 The passage cited in page notes 1 and 2 should be "Book of Zhou" Volume 2 "The Second Chronicle of Emperor Wen".

9. Aunt Yuanqu

The original title of "Recovering the Story Lost in the Dust" is "Silent Epitaph, Rolling Torrent", published in "The Paper·Private History" (June 17, 2017). This article and "Cui Julun" are both the result of teachers and students from Peking University assisting in compiling the "Epitaphs of the Northern Dynasties in the Moxiang Pavilion". The article shows a strong concern for the fate of women in the previous dynasty's clan, which better reflects the theme of the book. It is touching to read. This article is short and concise, focusing on the historical information preserved in Aunt Yuanqu's epitaph and historical biographies. Unfortunately, there are not enough historical stone carvings cited in the article. When discussing Aunt Yuanqu's life after the fall of the Northern Qi Dynasty, we should at least quote the epitaph of her son Duan Ji (i.e. Duan Dekan), because Duan Dekan was Aunt Yuanqu's main figure after she entered the Sui Dynasty. The caregiver and the person who died.To discuss Empress Dowager Lou's protection of Aunt Yuanqu, one can cite the epitaph of Duan Rong's wife Lou Xinxiang. Lou Xinxiang was Empress Dowager Lou's sister, and Duan Shao was Empress Dowager Lou's nephew. It was based on this relationship that Empress Dowager Lou had enough Reason to protect Aunt Yuanqu.

'Bi Mei Shu Ling: The Individual Life History of Women in the Northern Dynasties', edited by Luo Xin, published by Peking University Press in June 2024, 356 pages, 72.00 yuan. In the long tradition of human biography, the biography of the subject is usually due to career achievem - Lujuba

The article on Duan Ji’s epitaph

contains some deviations in the understanding of historical data. The first, second, third, and fourth words in the epitaph inscription of Aunt Yuanqu are marks for changing rhyme in different sections. Their function is to mark the completion of the above text rather than to introduce the following. Therefore, they should be enclosed in brackets rather than added after them. colon. The sentence "Crown in the Second Capital, Yu Yi Generation" in the preface to the epitaph refers to the son of Yuan Qu's aunt who became an outstanding figure because of his mother's good teaching. It does not describe Aunt Yuan Qu herself (page 281). "Er Capital" is either an allusion or an allusion. It actually refers to the two capitals of the Northern Qi Dynasty, and has nothing to do with Duan Shao's descendants receiving official titles in the Zhou and Sui Dynasties (page 282). In addition, there are some typos in the article that need to be corrected. On page 272, "anger comes from the heart" should be changed to "anger starts from the heart." On page 275, the epitaph inscription "Bushan is full of dangers" should be changed according to the high-definition picture of the epitaph attached to the article. Because "the hills are dangerous", "Duan Deye" on page 281 should be changed to Duan Deju.

10. Sister Lu Lan

The article "Participating in Business and Eternal Separation" is a new work after 2020. This article is carefully researched and well detailed. It involves an interesting question, that is, for which new emperor Yuan Jingzhe and Taiwei served as imperial seals. The author lists three possible candidates, namely Wang Yuanlang, the deposed emperor of the Northern Wei Dynasty and An Ding, Yuan Xiu, the emperor Xiaowu, and Yuan Shanjian, the emperor Xiaojing of the Eastern Wei Dynasty, but does not make a choice (page 307). The author believes that Gao Huan made Yuan Lang, the governor of Bohai, the emperor in a hurry. Although Yuan Jingzhe was Yuan Lang's brother, judging from the official history, Yuan Jingzhe was not in Jizhou at that time (page 305), but in a distant place. Even if he wanted to follow his younger brother and Gao Huan in Sizhou or Luoyang, it would be too late to set off.

Regarding the relationship between Yuan Jingzhe and Gao Huan, the author believes that "Yuan Jingzhe's family was not implicated when Yuan Long was deposed" because Empress Xiaozhuang Dierzhu, who was highly respected by Gao Huan, was the daughter of Yuan Jingzhe's aunt (pp. 307-308). Regardless of the closeness between the two, in fact Yuen Long was deposed without any crime, and it was nominally an abdication. In the future, "Wang Lang of An Ding and Wang Ye of Donghai died while sitting down" (see Volume 1 of "Book of Wei", "Records of the Abolition of the Three Emperors"), which were only hidden executions for the two deposed emperors themselves, and did not bring harm to their families. Prior to this, Yuan Ye was deposed, and although his brother Yuansu, Wang Yuansu of Lu County, was withdrawn from his appointment as governor of Qingzhou, he still retained the position of Grand Master and was not in danger of his life. He lived until the year after Yuan Ye was killed. The former deposed emperor Yuan Gong was killed, and his brother Wang Yuanxin of Huaiyang was promoted from Taifu to Taishi, and was renamed Pei County Prince, and later regained the title of Guangling Prince. It can be seen that Yuan Jingzhe, instead of being implicated after Yuen Long's abdication, received formal preferential treatment. His attendant, General Chariot, and Dr. Zuo Guanglu may have been obtained after Yuen Long was deposed. Later, Yuan Jingzhe chose to stay in the Eastern Wei Dynasty not because of his kinship with Queen Erzhu, but because he blamed Yuan Xiu for the murder of Yuan Long. There is a small clerical error in the

article. Note 1 on page 288 "According to the epitaph, Yuan Xiuyi's name is Xiuyi, and his character is Shou'an" should be changed to "The name is Shou'an, and his character is Xiuyi." In addition, the author believes in the imperial records of "Book of Wei" and believes that breaking the Six Han Dynasties and raising troops to raise the mausoleum in March of the fifth year of Zhengguang (524) (page 300) is also worthy of reconsideration.

11. Princess Ruru

"Princess Ruru" was originally published in Wenjing, Issue 4, 2011, and was previously included in Luo Xin's "Wang Hua and Mountain Danger: Essays on Medieval Frontier Descendants" (Peking University Press, 2019). The title of the book "Bi Mei Shu Ling" comes from the inscription on Gao Huan's wife Lu's epitaph quoted in the article. The article focuses on when the Northern Wei Dynasty officials began to adopt the word "Ruru" and cites the key material Yang Bo's epitaph. The author claims that "Yang Bo's epitaph was written in the autumn of the first year of Xiping (516), Emperor Xiaoming's reign. This shows that the official use of the word Ruru in the Northern Wei Dynasty must have been before the autumn of the first year of Xiping" (page 325), but the burial recorded in Yang Bo's epitaph The disagreement between the day stems and the first year of Xiping has long attracted the attention of scholars such as Mao Yuanming. In fact, Yang Bo was buried on the same day as his sixth brother Yang Shu. His epitaph was written on September 2, the second year of Xiping. The year of burial was correct. However, the author of the preface to the epitaph inappropriately deleted Yang Bo's deeds and called the year of burial as "his year." ", resulting in misunderstanding. In addition, the inscriptions on the back of the stele on the southern tour of Emperor Wencheng of the Northern Wei Dynasty include Ruru Changyou and Ruru Mingyijin, which seems to be included in the discussion.

The married life of Gao Huan and Princess Ruru is also worthy of attention. The article states that Gao Huan returned to Jinyang in March of the third year of Wuding (545) and continued to be active in present-day Shanxi until his death (page 336). However, Volume 6 of "Northern History" "Qi Benji" clearly records that on the 10th day of the third year of Wuding Yue Gaohuan wrote in the Three Prefectures of You, An, and Ding that city fortifications were built at dangerous locations to prevent taunts and creeps. "Shenwu Beishou", Shen Zengzhi believed that Beishou was the construction of city garrison (see "Hairi Tower Stele Inscriptions and Postscripts"), and this theory can be followed. Gao Huan and Princess Ruru left Jinyang two months after their marriage to supervise the construction of the city garrison to defend Rouran. It is really an intriguing move. There are several text modifications in the

article. According to the general calculation, when Gao Huan married Princess Ruru, Lou was already forty-five years old, not forty-four (page 337). On page 340, Yubi City was changed to Yubi City, and the two "four months in a year" were changed to five months in a year and three months in a year. On page 345, the epitaph of Gao Zhan's wife and family is connected to the ground. The two variant characters in the sentence "Fang Heng is in the distant period, and it is difficult to grow old forever" should be recorded according to the literal meaning as "Fang enjoys the distant period, and it is difficult to grow old forever." Finally, the original name of An Luochen can be used, and it is not necessary to write it as An Luochen.

The above are the author’s personal opinions on the eleven stories in this book. Readers are welcome to criticize any inappropriateness. In fact, the original intention of "Bi Mei Shu Ling" was also to arouse readers' interest in the life history of women in the Northern Dynasties. Today, when retrieval of historical stone carvings is becoming increasingly convenient, if more readers can independently explore the stories of people of interest based on historical biographies and epitaph materials, it will be a great blessing for research on women’s life history and even individual life history. From this perspective, "Bimei Shuling" is a useful attempt in "public history".

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